by Joe Renouard
Political advertising in the midterm campaigns focused on fear. There's little reason to expect anything different in two years.
SOURCE: The Conversation
by Karen Adams
Political signs don't do much to sway voters, but in close races they're a low-cost way to make a small and potentially decisive difference.
SOURCE: Made By History at the Washington Post
by L. Benjamin Rolsky
By privatizing political discourse, the pioneers of direct mail advertising could solicit funds at the same time as they stoked the fears of a targeted set of voters; this worked to bring the religious right into the heart of the Republican Party.
SOURCE: The New Republic
A review of Jill Lepore's "If Then," which finds the roots of contemporary political messaging in a 1960s company's pioneering efforts to apply computer modeling to voter behavior.
SOURCE: New York Times
It will surprise no one if Trump pursues the sort of negative race-baiting campaign that George H.W. Bush used to rally after trailing Michael Dukakis in the summer. What remains to be seen will be if Trump can convincingly portray Biden as a greater danger to the public.
SOURCE: The New Yorker
by Jill Lepore
Modern political campaigning can trace its origins to the desperation of the Democratic Party to target voters outside of its traditional stronghold in the South by targeting precise segments of the national electorate.
SOURCE: The Atlantic
Andrew Ferguson argues that the Lincoln Project's anti-Trump ads follow Abe Lincoln's lead in one respect: they echo the young Lincoln's talent for partisan attacks and inflammatory rhetoric. They inflame and agitate, but don't persuade.
by Wendy Melillo
The Lincoln Project's recent "Mourning in America" ad seeks to connect Donald Trump to deep misery in America. The history of political advertising suggests it's likely to work.
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