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After a wave of calls from conservatives for an ideologically more inclusive academy, the academic left is weighing in with replies. The most important of them come from Michael Berube, my colleague, Tim Burke, Jonathan Chait (registration required), JohnHolbo (twice), and Adam Kotsko.
As it is playing out, the debate has flitted from specific grievance to generalizations such that neither side directly addresses issues raised by the other. As for me, I side with the Left in categorically rejecting state-sponsored solutions such as those proposed by David Horowitz. His blatant political campaign does suggest the sort of hegemonic move that Adam Kotsko sees. And, unlike some other conservatives, I am not persuaded that every conservative candidate for academic appointment who falls by the wayside is just another instance of a general problem.
And yet ..., if you look at the argument of a Michael Berube, there is nothing but a cynical denial that a problem exists. Or, if there is a problem, it is not in his list of"the Top Ten Thousand Social Injustices in the World." (See: his reply to me at The Weblog.) I could probably think of at least a hundred that are more important, but I'm hard pressed to think of anything Michael and I are doing about them, either. Jonathan Chait's op-ed for the LA Times is slightly more serious, noting the Bush administration's hostility even to conservative academic expertise as one reason academics in general have not been attracted to the Republican Party. Steve Horwitz at Liberty & Power and Professor Bainbridge respond critically to Chait.
I take my colleague, Tim Burke, and JohnHolbo more seriously. If you haven't read them yet, read Burke first and follow it with Holbo's two posts. Burke finesses the issue by arguing that Mark Bauerlein's"groupthink" is essentially identifiable with the common acceptances and practices of a discipline and his own realization that"interdisciplinarity" is no panacea in terms of enabling fresh insight that challenges"groupthink." But to define"groupthink" in those terms is to ignore, for example, the political rending of contemporary historical practice represented by the founding of The Historical Society six years ago. Frustrated with a"soft left" hegemony in the American Historical Association and the Organization of American Historians, their inclination to political pronouncements, and the sidelining of traditional specializations (particularly diplomatic, military, and some forms of political history), historians from left, right, and center organized an alternative to the AHA and the OAH. They did not reject common acceptances about historical practice, but they did reject the cloying"groupthink" of too many of our gatherings. Despite Tim's claim that not much would change if you replaced a current crop of lefty/liberals with some conservatives, it would make some important differences. It made an important difference at Brooklyn College when KC Johnson challenged the decision of his department's leadership to hire a pre-determined" collegial" female by saying:"Let's look at who the best qualified candidates are." Having said that, the irenic spirit of Tim's concluding paragraph is compelling. I share his commitment to reform within our academic communities.
Like Burke and me, John Holbo bristles at academe's external critics: Horowitz is unimaginably awful; George Will is laughable. What is refreshing about Holbo's initial post is his recognition that a healthy academic community must be one in which an aristocratic elitism is frankly recognized and affirmed. That is to say: had he been in the history department at Brooklyn College, Holbo would have known that its leadership was wrong and that KC Johnson was right. And too bad that KC had to risk his untenured neck to say it. Holbo effectively argues that intellectual diversity serves the interests of an intellectual aristocracy. And he is especially effective in turning the argument for intellectual diversity on its conservative advocates, by suggesting that there is nothing in conservative principles that would justify their argument for diversity. They are, in effect, arguing for something that they don't believe in. That, I take it, is a serious charge. Whether he can make it stick or not is another matter. One thing that the Bush administration has clearly demonstrated is that you can satisfy the kinds of diversity requirements that have so pre-occupied the academic Left without yielding any ground to intellectual diversity, or quality, for that matter. It's a healthy thing when we get all excited about cleaning somebody else's house. It's a better thing when we clean our own.
My momentary discretion about naming names may have misled me. I meant the president of the University of Southern Mississippi, not South Alabama.
Ralph E. Luker -
12/15/2004
Sometime when you and I are sitting in a bar having drinks, I'll go over my list of inferiors in academe. I promise you that it will be race, class, and gender balanced, but as we sing in the Mikado: "I've got a little list."
Derek Charles Catsam -
12/14/2004
Ralph --
You make fair points here and I perhaps overstated. My point is that unless we are willing ti name names of inferior black faculty and ascribe their failure to their being black, I would still think that the burden of proof is on the accuser -- in other words, is on those who are claiming that a push for more African Americans in hiring is of necessity exclusive of merit.
At least in history, hiring is so competitive that in a sense it is almost impossible not to come up with someone who is not at least on paper a viable candidate. And so if when we get down to, say, ten finalists, it would be a bit disingenuous to say that it becomes an issue of pure merit. For those who are arguing the merit route, i would ask you -- you never once have taken into consideration what sort of colleague one would make? What kind of personality they had? How their work fits in with the department? i ask these questions because i guess i wonder if mere "merit" is actually what some of the critics are after, because merit is not exactly an objective thing, at least not in hiring, at least not once you have narrowed a pool of 100, 200, 300 down to 4, 5, 6.
dc
Ralph E. Luker -
12/14/2004
Derek, Wouldn't it be more realistic to agree that there are some inferior quality African Americans in some academic positions, as there are some inferior quality Euro-Americans in some academic positions. Of course, we are unlikely to name names in either case and there are legitimate reasons for disagreement about particular names in either case. If you don't know of any inferior quality people in academic positions, it must be because of limited experience. Take that president of the University of South Alabama, for example; or the former president of Morris Brown College here in Atlanta who is under indictment for misappropriating $5,000,000 in student aid; must I go on?
Derek Charles Catsam -
12/14/2004
David --
Put it this way: The black experience in America is rather different from the Republican experience. To conflate the two shows a great deal about the conflator.
I too agree that merit ought to trump. Now let's define merit in the context of, say, a southern university with an apodictic history of racial discrimination. You do not believe in correctives for previous racial discrimination, apparently taking the rather sanguine view that merit will out. I am not so convinced that this is the case, and in any case that universities are NOT hiring some of the best people. Do you really think that in most hiring cases once you get to the finalists there are huge gaps betwen the candidates, and that merit works in such a way that there is one true candidate? If there are inferior blacks in academic positions, why don't you name them? I suspect that there are not and that this is a convenient whipping boy.
dc
David T. Beito -
12/13/2004
Let me rewrite this jumble which I posted prematurely:
If we accept the premises that society has an obligation to promote diversity in American institutions and to compensate for past discrimination against collective groups by giving members of those groups a special edge, differential grading would seem to be an even more cost effective and efficient system to accomplish this goal than differential hiring. I don't see the distinction.
Put another way: What possible objections could there be to differential grading if we accept the original premise?
David T. Beito -
12/13/2004
Thanks for the answer. What are these contextual issues?
If the premise it is accepted to to compensate for past discrimination against collective groups giving a special edge to to members of those collective groups, and promote race and gender diversity in society, differential grading would seem to be an even more cost effective and efficient system to accomplish this goal than differential hiring. I don't see the distinction.
I wonder why grading should be any different.
Jonathan Dresner -
12/12/2004
I disagree, both on rhetorical and specific terms. The term "biological" is too broad for the purposes described here. It isn't absolute biological diversity, but specific areas in which (perceived) biological differences have produced over long periods of time sustained social consequences. Using the term suggests equating affirmative action programs with ecological issues, or, to put it another way, I think it denigrates the intended beneficiaries of affirmative action programs by equating them with plants and animals. If that is not your intent, then I suggest that we find a more appropriate rubric term.
Jonathan Dresner -
12/12/2004
I don't know about 'they' but the issues are different. Grading is intended to communicate merit to the student (it has other purposes as well, which I'll discuss sometime soon). Hiring is a matter of opportunity, and there are contextual issues which make pure measures of merit inadequate.
I don't have a problem with distinguishing between these two very different activities with regard to race and gender.
Steven Horwitz -
12/12/2004
And one more, just for the record, I thought Bauerlein's Chronicle piece was excellent. For me, it's all about the Millian argument. Holbo, however, is right in that getting there is very very tricky.
David T. Beito -
12/12/2004
Well said! The end result of a dedicated focus on questions centered on merit would probably lead to greater diversity, ideological and biological as a byproduct.
Steven Horwitz -
12/12/2004
Just to clarify my position in all of this: I stand completely against any attempt to enforce some sort of ideological diversity in academia. I think academia should be more diverse than it is, but the path to that diversity is not one that involves anything but the sorts of issues David Beito raises: really focusing on merit.
In addition, I would urge my colleagues on the Left to become more familiar with the intellectual conversation among conservatives and libertarians so that when faced with the cv of a candidate who works in those areas, you might be more willing to recognize its intellectual legitimacy. For me, the problem is one of ignorance, not bad faith.
And yes, it is also possible that many conservative or libertarian job candidates just aren't very good!
David T. Beito -
12/12/2004
Very good question. I am especially interested in answers from people who use merit, and only merit, in grading, but believe that race and gender should help to determine hiring. Why do they make a distinction?
Jonathan Dresner -
12/12/2004
Grading? Who brought up grading? Does anyone adjust grades on racial or gender grounds? Is grade inflation differentially affecting races?
Let's keep the discussion focused, just a bit, please.
Richard Henry Morgan -
12/12/2004
PS
Derek, I was responding to Kotso's claim, found in the piece that Ralph links to, claiming that the right wing has taken over mainstream media.
Richard Henry Morgan -
12/11/2004
I'm not aware that I left out the Wall Street Journal, inasmuch as I never listed nor claimed to have listed all the elements of the mainstream media. In any case, were I asked to do so, I would point out that the WSJ is really two animals -- a right-wing editorial group, and a mainstream reporting group.
David T. Beito -
12/11/2004
BTW, in proposing merit, I am advocating a concept that is in direct opposition to discrimination. Unfortunately, neither the advocates of ideological nor biological diversity can make this claim.
David T. Beito -
12/11/2004
Biology as applied to race is not immutable. IMHO, "race" is a fluid and often arbitrary concept. Unfortunately, those who apply these policies seem by their action to be believe otherwise by sorting individual into neat biological categories. In this respect, they have more in common with the old advocates of the one drop theory than many are willing to admit.
Is black different than being Republican? I suppose it depends. I don't get your point. Please explain. If you are asking if there is still racial discrimination, of course there is.
As a non-Republican who rejects both the leftist and Horowitizian view, of course, I think that merit should trump both forms of diversity: biological or ideological in either grading or hiring.
Derek Charles Catsam -
12/11/2004
David --
Please, please, please tell me that you comprehend the rudimentary difference between "biology" (ie -- immutable) and that which is ideological. Please tell me that you grasp that being black in the US is somewhat different from being a Republican. Please tell me this.
dc
Derek Charles Catsam -
12/11/2004
Richard --
Why on earth would one (ok, you), unless they were intentionally trying to mislead, leave out the Wall Street Journal, which has a higher circulation than the Times and the Wash. Post? Seems that selection bias skewed toward ones (ok, your) own opinion is at play here.
I cannot believe we are once again engaging in the utterly inane liberal-media trope.
dc
David T. Beito -
12/11/2004
The term biological diversity may sound ugly but the sad truth is that that diversity policies today on college campuses have no other basis. Why try to sugar coat it?
In my view, it is a contradiction to try to undo the systemetic violation of merit in the past by adopting a conscious policy of compromising it in the future. Unfortunately, that is precisely what is happening.
The corrective measures you suggest, even of a "moderte" variety, are a dead end, at least if the final goal is merit. I think it is more likely that we will have an ever lengthening list of groups, including Horowitz's backers, demanding their share of the spoils. The result will be, of course, to push merit even further to the background.
It makes more sense to proudly embrace the ideal of merit (which was never really sought in American universities for blacks and women in the first place) in the here and now rather than wait for a future that will probably come. Our current policies of "balancing" merit with other factors only serve to undermine and dilute that goal.
After all, most of us would never use race or gender as "factors" in our grading policies even if such action served to undo past injustices suffered by particular groups. Why should hiring be any different?
BTW, I am writing from a university which still uses targeted hires. These hires do not just take race into a consideration as a factor but they blatantly suspend the normal hiring rules, including an open search. Even my more conservative colleagues do not object, instead arguing that we should "take advantage" of the opportunity to get more of the spoils in the form of budget lines in the department.
Richard Henry Morgan -
12/11/2004
I think you've hit it on the head. If right wingers ran the the NY Times, Abu Ghraib would have run on page A16 (the same page the Times ran the story of Berger running off with classified papers from the National Archives), and it would have run for a day or two. Certainly, if right wingers ran the Times, it wouldn't have had over ninety articles mentioning Martha Burke and the Masters -- roughly two articles for each protester who showed up at Augusta.
Richard Henry Morgan -
12/11/2004
I'll try to be less vague or full of mystery. You offer no mechanism by which the right wing has assumed prominenece in talk radio. Have a bunch of right wing ideologues bought the majority of radio, and foisted right wing views upon a helpless public -- said radio shows continuing to make profits? Or are they loss leaders, underwritten by deep-pocketed right wing ideologues? How exactly is this all a manifestation of strategy? I can understand that appelation being applied to the creation of right wing think tanks, etc., which rely on donations, but I don't get it here.
Now I concede a right wing bias at FOX, and at the Washington Times, and in most talk radio, but none are big players. Still, you may have a point that in offering an alternative view, they have forced the mainstream media to respond to their views (to a certain extent, as they lose market share), and have thereby set the terms of debate on occasion -- a case where a tail can wag a dog, when the dog is weak and the tail strong. But I'm at a bit of a loss to respond to criticism of my anecdotal evidence, as that evidence is response to a thesis for which absolutely no evidence whatsoever is offered. I suspect we're both on thin ice, since such views (yours and mine) on bias don't as yet seen suceptible to strict study and verification. Of course, you could offer anecdotal evidence of FOX bias -- or at least I'm assuming you could, since each time it has been asserted (by Krugman, James Carroll, and Kalb) none has actually gone to the bother of offering evidence.
Jonathan Dresner -
12/11/2004
I would argue that the mainstream media is not "right wing" (except for Fox, of course) but rather "corporate".
So the Abu Ghraib coverage is intense because it is sensational, complete with pictures (how few scandals are there where there are no pictures, nowadays, outside of the text-based scholarly community?). Note also that the Abu Ghraib coverage has been very shallow, limited largely to reporting what comes out of the Pentagon, commentary from Arab sources and the odd peacenik or Human Rights lawyer. It hasn't resulted in widespread firings, nor has the media cared whether anyone was held accountable. And yes, lots of reporters are liberals, and reporting on this assuages their feelings of irrelevance which comes from the pop-celeb and stenographic transmissions that qualify as most reportage these days.
The corporate nature of most main-stream media makes them very vulnerable to pressure from organized groups, and it's right wing groups that are, presently, better organized.
Adam Kotsko -
12/11/2004
Re: Abu Ghraib -- is covering up human rights abuses a distinctively conservative cause that a properly conservative-biased media would necessarily support?
And as for school rebuilding -- who exactly blew up the schools in the first place? I always thought that education was one area where Saddam's government was doing pretty well -- one of the highest literacy rates in the region, etc.
Jonathan Dresner -
12/11/2004
Maybe I don't fall into the "most" that you're referring to, because I'm (moderately) open to discussing affirmative action (or what you're refering to as 'biological diversity' which makes it sound a lot like we're considering other species as well as human candidates) on its merits as well as its ethics.
Fundamentally, merit is the most important grounds on which we should make our hiring/admissions/etc, decisions. But...
Race and gender have been such powerful historical and social forces that it has required extraordinary remedies to even begin to undo what we now see as deep injustice and harm. (I would include disability, as well, as a category which has been unduly harmful) There are societies in which ideological systems have produced similar damage to communities of dissenters, but we are not one of them. The harm done by ideological bias in academia, such as it is, does not rise to the level of requiring systemic and heroic efforts to correct and assuage. I agree that ideology, within some limits, is not relevant to hiring, and that insofar as political views are reflected in methodology and teaching, some diversity is desirable where it does not interfere with other critical missions and needs, but I haven't yet seen a suggestion of a solution which addresses the issue at a reasonable scale.
In short, it's swatting flies with sledgehammers to treat political affiliation like race or gender, in other words.
Adam Kotsko -
12/11/2004
I find your comment to be full of mystery. I think that the mainstream media is basically the Big Three networks, NPR, the Big Three newsweeklies, and a handful of "national" papers -- the New York Times, the Washington Post, and US Today, say. Do we disagree? Do you want to include something like The New Yorker or Atlantic Monthly (neither of which I'd expect to be widely read in conservative circles) in order to tilt the balance slightly to the left and prove your point about liberal media bias?
And as for the CBS News thing -- anecdotal evidence does not prove anything! Yes, that was probably a clear-cut case of media bias, but it was also a clear-cut case of people basically being convinced that Bush dicked around and didn't really fulfill his duties while in the National Guard. No new evidence was really necessary to prove that, but getting the (forged) memo gave CBS the occasion to report on the (basically true) story of Bush's half-assed National Guard service once again. None of this changes the fact that the media asked NONE of the most important questions in the lead-up to the Iraq War -- for example. On the most important points, even the "liberal media" basically lets the right set the terms of debate, no matter what the private political affiliation of the individual reporters and anchors involved.
If anything, the Dan Rather thing is the last dying gasp of whatever "liberal bias" still exists.
Feel free to respond to me with another message full of vague innuendo, assuming you have time.
David T. Beito -
12/11/2004
I challenged David Horowitz about this as at an academic conference.
I argued that merit, not biological or ideological diversity, should be the standard for hiring. I pointed out that merit had almost, but not quite, won the day in the University of Michigan case.
I found his response to my criticism hard to answer. He said that that the left's dedication to biological diversity was so unrelenting that in the current academic climate his strategy to extend that concept to include ideological diversity was the only way to bring about any reform. In other words, he made a practical, argument.
I still disagree with Horowitz's strategy but, unfortunately, he has a point. Most of the advocates of biologicial diversity have no sympathy for merit-based arguments or ideological diversity....and show no willingness to even consider criticism of their paradigm. What is a person to do in the face of such an unbending attitude?
Michael B?rub -
12/11/2004
Ralph, when I discuss this question more seriously (that is, in my forthcoming book, not on my blog) I promise I'll engage Mark Bauerlein's argument, and others, at greater length. In the meantime, my blog remarks are meant simply to point out that in literary study, the conservatives-in-academe problem is largely a problem of supply-- and that few conservatives have been honest enough to admit this. Over the years, I have spoken to some conservative-leaning graduate students about the "winnowing" process they have to put up with, and about the widespread presumption, among their peers and colleagues, that everyone within sight is clearly on the side of the angels. So, to coin a phrase, I feel their pain. But when it comes to people like Horowitz and Will, I do think it's worth saying (even satirically) that they need to demonstrate that there really is a substantial conservative constituency out there for *my* discipline (as opposed, say, to history or political science). Even in my entry-level undergraduate courses (and Penn State is no Oberlin, folks), I just don't see it.
Richard Henry Morgan -
12/11/2004
I'm trying to figure out how the supposed "right-wing takeover" of the mainstream media accounts for the extraordinarily large coverage of Abu Ghraib, while reporting on school rebuilding in Iraq is almost non-existent. I do think Kotso is on to something about the right-wing media strategy -- complain about bias while building an alternative right-wing structure. I'm rather sure though, that the right wing would prefer to have a CBS that piped right-wing views (I'm assuming here, for the sake of argument, that CBS isn't right-wing -- something Kotso probably rejects), rather than one that invents documentation for stale opposing ones (again, right-wing dominance?), or even to having to invent a right-wing CBS from scratch (FOX is growing, but it ain't in that league yet).
The talk-radio dominance of the right-wing is not just a result of that strategy, but of lower barriers to entry, coupled with the fact that somehow the left can't sell their goods in the more competitive market -- unless one subscribes to the view that the media bosses of radio are stepping over profits in order to promote a right-wing agenda (well that's possible ...). One thing is clear: the mainstream media (after Rathergate, Jayson Blair, exploding trucks, etc.) is losing ground. If Kotso and I could agree on a definition of mainstream media and, conceding for the sake of argument that the right wing has taken over mainstream media, then that should be a cause for celebration. Of course, I suspect we disagree on just what constitutes the mainstream media.
Adam Kotsko -
12/11/2004
By mentioning casually that one should read Burke, then the two Holbo posts, Ralph is effectively consigning his readers to three solid hours of staring at the screen -- eight hours if one reads the comments on Holbo's posts. As one who had read all the posts in question before reading Ralph's post, I can say with confidence that Ralph's summaries of the arguments contained therein are accurate and trustworthy and an adequate substitute for those without time for the original posts.
One should, however, read my post in its entirety.