Blogs > Liberty and Power > The State, Parental Rights, and the FLDS in Texas

Jun 2, 2008

The State, Parental Rights, and the FLDS in Texas




I've largely been quiet about the FLDS case in Texas where state authorities seized over 400 kids from a fundamentalist Mormon ranch on the grounds that the group was abusing the children, either physically or sexually via forced marriages/coerced sex between older men and girls in their mid-teens. The authorities found a number of girls who had either already had children or, in two cases, were currently pregnant (6/2 UPDATE: David Friedman points out in the comments that both of these"girls" were in fact not minors - they were 18 and 22). As a result, they argued that all of the children were in danger, presumably the boys because they were being raised in an environment in which they were groomed to be rapists, at least in an institutional sense. In the wake of yesterday's Texas Supreme Court decision upholding an appeals court decision that ordered the children returned to their parents, I thought I'd share a few thoughts.

Cases like these do pose difficulties because they raise an interesting conflict of legitimate rights. Children surely have a right not to be physically or sexually abused and in the non-anarchist world, it's legitimate as part of the state's job of protecting rights to respond to genuine cases of such abuse (noting that what constitutes physical abuse isn't always crystal clear). But parents have rights as well, both at the state level and in terms of the federal constitution. And those rights include the right to make decisions about how to raise and educate their children. We might not like what parents teach their kids, but unless there's evidence of actual abuse, parental beliefs alone are not sufficient grounds to deny them their rights. Yes, this group's practices might threaten the rights of some of their girls, but the state's action definitively denies the parental rights of the adults and libertarians, it seems to me, must account for both sets of rights, even as we might recognize there are trade-offs and imperfections all around.

The Texas SC made this clear in their decision, arguing that if the child protective authorities wanted to remove children they would have to do it on a case-by-case basis, demonstrating that abuse was happening or some sort of immediate possibility. The circumstances did not justify a wholesale "class action" removal of several hundred kids. In the case of the boys and the pre-pubescent girls, the court was unanimous. Three dissenters argued that there were grounds to remove the pubescent girls based on past patterns of behavior, even though the other six argued there was not enough evidence to do so. I think this is the right decision on both counts. I'd like to offer a couple of reasons why, in particular in response to the view that the group's practices create an environment in which the girls are being abused and the boys are being raised to be abusers.

First, the state has to show that actual laws were broken. The age of sexual consent in Texas is 17 and the minimum age for marriage (with parental consent) is 16, raised from 14 a few years ago (see David Friedman's excellent blog post on this topic). Any 16 year-old girls who are married and pregnant with their parents' permission have broken no laws of the state of Texas, nor have any girls who were married at 14 or 15 a few years earlier, and neither have their parents. So if the justification for removing the children is that girls are being coerced into sex/marriage with older men, the state will have to demonstrate one of two things: 1) that the girls in question are not yet 16 (or were not 14 a few years ago) or 2) that they or their parents did not consent to the marriage. Only girls who fall into either of those categories are victims of sexual abuse in the context of early marriage. To the extent the law is being followed, the early marriage practices are not fundamentally different from those of immigrant communities, as Eugene Volokh notes. He also points out that the sexual consent laws are broken in communities across the US all the time, and might well be a socially prevalent practice in those communities. Does that justify removing any or all young women from such communities? Here too, Eugene points out, the state must find individualized cases to work from.

The point here is that critics of the TX SC decision who argue that FLDS is somehow creating a toxic institutional environment for the girls are going to have to show how their practices actually violate Texas law. If parents are forcing children to break the law, or doing it themselves with the kids, then that seems grounds for state action. If not, then what the complaint really amounts to is not liking the Texas consent and marriage laws and, by implication, believing that your dislike of a community's marital norms is grounds to take the children away. I'm not sure that's a good place to go, as I argue later. Of course the SC's job is to make sure the other branches of government are not wrongly punishing people who are abiding by the law, whatever the law might be.

If one wants to go after the parents for being polygamists, then find the relevant laws and prosecute them. Before you take their kids away, you better clearly show that the children are in danger by staying with their parents and that they would be better off in foster or institutional care or with other relatives. This is an exercise in comparative institutional analysis and we cannot fall for a family policy version of the Nirvana Fallacy. Just because one set of institutions is imperfect, doesn't ipso facto mean the statist alternative is better. Parental lawbreaking is not sufficient cause to remove the kids. (Plus, as David Friedman also argues, it's quite possible to engage in polygamy of a strong sort without technically violating the law.)

Second, some have argued that the boys are victims too, being raised to become rapists/abusers of young girls. Clearly this can't be true of all of the boys, given that this is a community in which one male has multiple wives. If we assume a 50/50 split in births, there must be some significant number of men who are denied sexual/marital access to the women (as each woman has only one husband, but each man has multiple wives). The problem of "what to do with the other men" is one that plagues polygynist societies. Assuming actual abuse is taking place, rather than just marriages right at the minimum age, it's not being done by every male, thus the argument for taking away all of the boys seems highly problematic. For all the concern about the individual rights and autonomy of the young girls, don't the young men deserve the same respect and thus not be hauled away from their parents having themselves committed no crime nor been the victim of abuse?

But beyond these considerations, I think there's a more compelling reason why the Court has done the right thing here and why especially folks on the left who are making the argument that it's putting the girls in danger and poisoning the boys should think carefully about this case. In the end, the argument by the Texas CPS amounted to a claim that this group's beliefs and practices as a whole were such that they raised the threat of abuse to these kids as a whole. That is the justification for taking them all, rather than identifying specific victims. The reason why such an argument is so dangerous is that it is the very same argument that has been used to take kids away from gay and lesbian couples as well as other religious groups with non-standard belief systems, such as Wiccans or other neo-Pagans. The long-standing argument was that their "lifestyles" in and of themselves posed a threat to their children because the parents' supposed practices or beliefs amounted to abuse. Of course cooler heads have largely, though not totally, prevailed and have been able to demonstrate that the worst fears of the child-savers were based on stereotypes and misinformation.

This is precisely why in such cases, the burden of proof should lie squarely on the state to demonstrate what the parents have done that is abusive and to identify the specific children who have been abused. To expect parents to demonstrate that they are not abusers, and that's been the case for gays and lesbians as well as minority religious groups, violates our notions of innocent until proven guilty and demands that they prove a negative. The parent-child bond is simply too important to the well-being of children, not to mention the constitutional protection of parental rights, not to hold the state to an extremely high standard when it intervenes in families.

It may well be the case that there is abuse going on in the FLDS. If so, the state needs to clearly demonstrate that laws are being broken and who the precise victims are. At that point, it can decide whether to remove the specific children or remove the specific adults or some other solution. Short of that, do we really want to give the state the power to take kids away based on the parents' general beliefs and practices after having come so far in not doing this in so many other situations where we used to? However much we might dislike the specific practices of the FLDS and however much some on the left might think giving the state that power in this case would so some good for the possibly victimized girls, we know all too well that such a precedent and giving the state such power will hardly mean that it will be used only when "we" think it should. To the contrary, it is most likely to be used against groups the left is much more sympathetic to and whose practices and beliefs are seen as "out of the mainstream" and potentially threatening.

The problem with giving states the power to do what you think is right is that they won't always agree with you.

Finally, we live in an imperfect world. We cannot eliminate all mistreatment of children without doing grave damage to the individual rights of parents. We know that children do better when raised by their parents as opposed to foster care or institutions. We also know that states face knowledge and incentive problems whenever they intervene in voluntary social orders. Thus, the burden of proof on the state is and should be high, even if that means parents sometimes get away with things they shouldn't. It's the price we pay for the freedom to form families and raise our children as we see fit. The alternative, which more or less would make parents adjuncts of the state, is much, much worse.

UPDATE: To provide some evidence for my point about the comparative analysis, check out this post by Tim Lynch at Cato's blog where he details the awful treatment of the children and their mothers by CPS (some of whom were allowed to stay with their kids if they complied with CPS rules and commands) as reported by social workers who were invited to observe by CPS itself. If you're going to take kids away, you better be damn sure where you're taking them is no worse.


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Lisa Casanova - 6/7/2008

I know you're joking, but I have actually seen that advanced as a serious objection against legalized polygamy- that if multiple women could marry one man, less desirable men couldn't get wives. Sort of like the government needs to guarantee men the equal distribution of women. Shudder.


Robert Higgs - 6/3/2008

I am at a loss to understand how anyone can suppose that libertarians in large numbers have failed to denounce either this latest state outrage or, even more so, the run-up to the 2003 U.S. invasion of Iraq.

In the case of the run-up, I began in September 2001 to denounce the government's reaction to 9/11 that I (correctly) expected, and as the war's near-certainty became increasingly evident in 2002 and early 2003, I gave many media interviews (including New York Times, Chicago Tribune, NPR, PBS) and wrote op-eds against the coming war repeatedly, often in mainstream outlets, such as the San Francisco Chronicle, San Francisco Examiner, Providence Journal, Financial Times, and even (via letters to the editor) the Wall Street Journal.

I was certainly not alone in these endeavors. If Antiwar.com keeps an archive, a visit to it will show that many libertarians were doing exactly what I was doing.

Did our efforts change anything? Obviously not--but then we had little hope at the time that they would. The emperor had decided to make war on Iraq, and no one could do anything to stop him. His delay until March 2003 occurred only because it takes time to spread disinformation to the public about the coming war's justification and purpose and because the emperor felt the political necessity of appearing to have exhausted alternatives to war, even though these efforts were patently phony at all times.

Writers for the Independent Institute, the Future of Freedom Foundation, the Mises Institute, LewRockwell.com, Antiwar.com, and (some) at the Cato Institute went to bat against the mainstream media from the start and never faltered. Can all these efforts really have failed to make a blip on an interested person's radar screen?


Steven Horwitz - 6/2/2008

Thanks David. And thanks for your dogged work on this issue.


David Fridman - 6/1/2008

One small correction. You wrote:

"The authorities found a number of girls who had either already had children or, in two cases, were currently pregnant. "

Both of the "girls" who were currently pregnant were adults, one 18, one 22. The authorities conceded that fact--after both had been forced to have their babies in the custody of said authorities.

One or both had offered birth certificates as proof of age, and I think both had been listed in documents filed earlier by the child protection authorities--with their correct birth dates.

My interpretation of the evidence, which could be wrong, is that when the authorities discovered that there were only five minors who were pregnant or mothers, they hastily reclassified about 26 adult mothers as minors. I believe at this point they have conceded that at least fifteen of them are and were adults.


Craig J Bolton - 5/31/2008

I don't want to waste your time beating a dead horse, but I'm still not convinced and am still concerned and disappointed regarding what has happened to libertarianism.

I do thank you for bringing Tim Lynch to my attention. In Goggling his activities I found an excellent Cato Analysis piece he has authored on Waco. Further, his comments on this incident appear to be right on target. The problem is, as I first noted, that they are way too late. His NR piece, as he notes in that piece, was authored six weeks after the raid. A government agency that has engaged in what facially looks like incredible abuse is given six week to produce some credible rationale before libertarians start to speak out?

David Friedman is, of course, exempt from these sorts of criticisms. David is an academic. He is not paid by a purported libertarian organization as a watchdog. He does what he does completely gratis [as, I suspect, so do you]. He has reason to be ultra-judicious, given that academics is a pretty vicious place and deans are well known as completely irrational where "unwanted publicity" is concerned. That isn't in the same category as a professional libertarian who IS suppose to be keeping an eye on current events and timely commenting on them.


Steven Horwitz - 5/31/2008

I know you weren't criticizing me specifically Craig, but I did want to note that libertarians weren't totally silent on this one. In fact Tim Lynch from Cato had a piece on Nat. Review Online a few days before his Cato blog entry. David Friedman's blog has been a central place for the case, as has the Volokh Conspiracy. Wil Wilkinson's blog had some discussion of the issue as well.

I just think it's hard to wade into these sorts of cases quickly given that if there really were children being abused there, I'd hate to be defending the parents and criticizing CPS. Jumping the gun in such a case is worse for libertarianism than waiting to criticize CPS a little bit.

Granted, the track record of state-level CPS organizations is pretty bad, but sexual abuse DOES happen and as libertarians we shouldn't be in the business of defending it or blowing off its seriousness. For me, it was a matter of making sure the situation was what it appear to be.


Craig J Bolton - 5/31/2008

Steven,

I want to stress that I'm not specifically criticizing you. In fact, given that your treatment is one of the best I've seen, I'm not criticizing you at all.

And maybe I simply need more education on where to find those numerous other comments on this issue and the other issues I mentioned, but, I still have this general impression that libertarians have been disappointingly slow on the trigger on these sorts of issues for almost a decade now.

The PRESUMPTION in libertarian circles use to be that when the federal government did things like effectively declaring preemptive war for no particular good reason, or when a federal agency went in and either burned up "cultists" or decimated their familes en mass, that the burden was on those who would defend such policies. In the absence of a good and concrete rationale [as opposed to an obvious flimsy and fact free rational] the government was in the wrong and should be publically and loudly denounced.

To a large extent, that PRESUMPTION was what separated rational libertarians from other people who were equally rational but ideological neutral. That no longer appears to be the presumption of most libertarians. Libertarians now seem to be operating under the implicit presumption that government at all levels is not inherently suspicious or an institution that tends toward abuse of power and tyranny. That is, of course, what "liberals" [who aren't liberals at all but are some sort of strange utopian collectivists] have been telling everyone for over a hundred years. The government is your friend, or, at worst, is a neutral "servant of the People."

And that, of course, is the last step in the loss of Wesstern liberty. Nixon said, "We are all Keynesians now." It might be added today that "We are all utopian collectivists now."






Steven Horwitz - 5/31/2008

Well Craig, there have been a number of libertarians who have commented on it in various forums. I had posted some pieces of this argument in the comments sections in a few blogs. I simply didn't have the time or the angle on it I wanted (nor did I feel like I had enough of the facts) to really do an extended piece.

I also think that children's rights issues can be very tricky and it's important for me anyway to be sure I have enough of my ducks in line to make an extended argument.


Keith Halderman - 5/30/2008

I forgot who said this but when I read or heard it I thought myself wow that is true. Those children were seized for no other reason than their address.


Anthony Gregory - 5/30/2008

The reasoning at the time of the kidnapping, aside from collective guilt, was that 17-year-old mothers were obviously victims, since they had been subjected to underage sex, and so the remedy would be to take their own children from this. This makes no sense to me whatsoever, and never did. Surely, any victimized children had a right to escape oppression, either from the Mormon home or from state custody. Did the state offer them the freedom to leave the state's clutches? Of course not. For the state ever to detain kids against their will, in the name of children's rights, is unbelievable hypocrisy.


Craig J Bolton - 5/30/2008


I agree with virtually everything in this post, and thank Mr. Horwitz for the excellent links. Further, I agree with Mr. Horwitz's initial comments about this being a difficult situation, because it may be a situation where there a conflict of legitimate individual rights.

Having said that, I must express my continuing feeling of unease and disappointment with the way that libertarians generally have reacted to this incident. I am reminded of the deteriorating ideological position of Bush & Co. prior to the invasion of Afganistan and then the wholly and obviously fraudulent run up to the invasion and occupation of Iraq. Maybe I missed something, but there appeared to be nearly dead silence from libertarians during those events.

The same was true with this incident, and to a lesser extent with the Waco incident. [At least with Waco there were enough gun nuts and Right Wing crazies wandering about after the first three weeks that the absence of libertarians wasn't so obvious.]

Yes, there were and are difficult issues and ambiguities in each of these situations, but, at a minimum, one should expect a reasoned analysis of the issues, such as Mr. Horwitz has now given us, rather than dead silence until the definitive imprimitur of legitimacy is granted by a state supreme court.

Somehow it is not surprising to me that the Friedman family has been the exception to the above rule. Anyone who has had any contact with Milton or his son knows that they are the real thing. I wish that was true of all of us, but, frankly, I no longer would trust many purported American libertarians with guarding my back.


Allan Walstad - 5/30/2008

This whole case raises a lot of questions and somewhat conflicting reactions from me--

First, teenagers haven't always been treated like helpless children, have they? At one time, many male teens went to work and many female teens got married and had children. I'm not sure they were worse off for it. And while I'm getting heretical, why is it so much worse for a young female to have sex, and perhaps children, with an older male who might possibly be able to take financial responsibility, than with a teen her own age who (in today's society) can't?

Is there any necessary connection between polygamy and 14-year-old females marrying older males? Doesn't group marriage among adults deserve as much recognition as gay marriage? Shouldn't they be just as free?

Do anthropologists dispassionately study headhunter societies, then get bees in their bonnets about young Mormon females in polygamous marriages?


Aeon J. Skoble - 5/30/2008

"If we assume a 50/50 split in births, there must be some significant number of men who are denied sexual/marital access to the women"
Well, that's a rights violation right there! ;-)