Another Wood Review
I'm one of the academics Wood notes are likely to"slog through" this enormous work, and I'll defer judgment on the text itself till I have had time to reflect on it some. As with his review of Ackerman, however, Wood uses the occasion to lament the state of study about American history.
Wood accurately notes that the book
is not likely to receive similar acclaim from the scholarly left; for it very much runs against the flow of current academic trends. Most historians today, especially those writing about the period Wilentz is concerned with - the period of the early Republic from Jefferson to Lincoln - are interested in what they call 'the new political history.' They seek to transcend the usual stuff of politics - elections, parties and the political maneuvering of elite white males in government - and to provide a history that views politics through the lenses of race, gender and popular culture. So they devote themselves primarily to the symbols and theatrics of politics - the various ways common people, including women and blacks, expressed themselves and participated in the political process, whether in parades, costume or drinking toasts. These historians believe culture trumps policy and power. They explicitly reject any sort of narrative of dead white males bringing about the triumph of democracy within the two-party system. This, however, is the very subject of Wilentz's book.
Indeed, there's very little"political" in the"new political history" at all--although hiring its practioners allows departments (like, say, UCLA) to claim that they have a political historian on staff. Wilentz himself, as Wood points out, has described the"new political history" as filled with"bargain basement Nietzsche and Foucault, admixed with earnest American do-goodism, that still passes for 'theory' in much of the academy."
Since the book seems likely to have little effect in the academy, what is Wilentz's intended audience? Wood speculates that Wilentz hopes to emulate Arthur Schlesinger's study of a similar (though obviously less broad, both thematically and chronologically) period to speak to the dilemmas of contemporary liberalism. In the 1940s, Schlesinger saw in Andrew Jackson a model for the vital center. Today, argues Wood,"by suggesting that the race, gender and cultural issues that drive much of the modern left are not central to the age of Jackson, Wilentz seems to imply that they should not be central to the future of the present-day Democratic Party."
The Dems would be wise to take this lesson to heart.