Elliot Abrams: Dictators, Democracies and WikiLeaks
[Mr. Abrams served as an assistant secretary of state from 1981 to 1989 and as a deputy national security adviser from 2005 to 2009.]
Why are diplomatic cables secret at all? It's a fair question to ask as we assess the WikiLeaks disclosures and the damage they may do. Overall, there are very few surprises in these cables. Anyone who regularly reads this newspaper, follows congressional debates, or watches cable news will know that there is tension between the United States and Afghan President Hamid Karzai, that the Arabs want us to stand up to Iran, that Fatah hates Hamas, and that we are having trouble getting countries to accept the people we want to release from Guantanamo.
Huge numbers of embassy cables are labeled "unclassified" or "limited official use" and deal with mundane matters. But the WikiLeaks trove shows why the State Department insists that some must be "confidential" or "secret," a higher classification: They contain descriptions of American strategies and bargaining positions, or frank assessments of foreign leaders and regimes with which we must still work.
While British diplomatic telegrams are far better at poison-pen portraits (and are generally better written), these State Department messages do contain some admirably tough evaluations. Reading Secretary of Defense Robert Gates tell the French that "Russian democracy has disappeared and the government was an oligarchy run by the security services" is an example, and it is reassuring to know he speaks so candidly to our allies.
The WikiLeaks cables so far released also show how U.S. ambassadors vary in quality. Ambassador James Jeffrey's analysis of Turkey's new foreign policy is sharp and well written. Ambassador Hugo Llorens's message from Honduras about the June 2009 overthrow of President Manuel Zelaya reveals how the Obama administration blundered into backing an ally of Hugo Chavez against the Honduran people's unified desire to throw the bum out.
In most cases, cables are marked secret not because the U.S. requires it but because those speaking to us—the foreign leaders across the table—do. They are not keeping secrets from us, but from two other groups: their enemies and their subjects...
Read entire article at WSJ
Why are diplomatic cables secret at all? It's a fair question to ask as we assess the WikiLeaks disclosures and the damage they may do. Overall, there are very few surprises in these cables. Anyone who regularly reads this newspaper, follows congressional debates, or watches cable news will know that there is tension between the United States and Afghan President Hamid Karzai, that the Arabs want us to stand up to Iran, that Fatah hates Hamas, and that we are having trouble getting countries to accept the people we want to release from Guantanamo.
Huge numbers of embassy cables are labeled "unclassified" or "limited official use" and deal with mundane matters. But the WikiLeaks trove shows why the State Department insists that some must be "confidential" or "secret," a higher classification: They contain descriptions of American strategies and bargaining positions, or frank assessments of foreign leaders and regimes with which we must still work.
While British diplomatic telegrams are far better at poison-pen portraits (and are generally better written), these State Department messages do contain some admirably tough evaluations. Reading Secretary of Defense Robert Gates tell the French that "Russian democracy has disappeared and the government was an oligarchy run by the security services" is an example, and it is reassuring to know he speaks so candidly to our allies.
The WikiLeaks cables so far released also show how U.S. ambassadors vary in quality. Ambassador James Jeffrey's analysis of Turkey's new foreign policy is sharp and well written. Ambassador Hugo Llorens's message from Honduras about the June 2009 overthrow of President Manuel Zelaya reveals how the Obama administration blundered into backing an ally of Hugo Chavez against the Honduran people's unified desire to throw the bum out.
In most cases, cables are marked secret not because the U.S. requires it but because those speaking to us—the foreign leaders across the table—do. They are not keeping secrets from us, but from two other groups: their enemies and their subjects...