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ID: 153964
Uid: 31615
Author: 19
Category: 0
Title: The Republican Way of Governing
Source:
Body: <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Lately I worry that our political system is threatened. One of the basic ideas of our democracy, pushed especially by conservatives, has been that Americans at the local level should be able to control local issues. Of course this idea has limits. Local school districts should not be allowed to discriminate on the basis of race, because the Constitution says that is illegal. State laws should not discriminate against women, because that is also illegal. But what about trying to deal with plastic shopping bags? Are communities allowed to require that local construction contracts include local workers?</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Republican-dominated state legislatures have passed laws <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/07/06/upshot/blue-cities-want-to-make-their-own-rules-red-states-wont-let-them.html?_r=0">preventing communities</a> from controlling these and many other issues as a way of preventing many policies they don’t like: adding gender identity to non-discrimination laws, setting higher minimum wages, restricting the height of cellphone towers. Later this month, a special session of the Texas legislature will consider proposals to block cities from regulating trees on private land and restricting cellphone use while driving. <a href="https://iowastartingline.com/2017/03/13/iowa-republicans-hypocritical-flip-flop-local-control/">Iowa Republicans</a> want to take away control from local water boards. Many states with Republican majorities are forbidding local control: <a href="http://www.crainsdetroit.com/article/20170630/news/632971/michigan-republican-lawmakers-drop-mantle-local-control">Michigan</a>, <a href="http://theconstantcommoner.blogspot.com/2017/01/are-republicans-party-of-local-control.html">South Dakota</a>, <a href="http://washingtonmonthly.com/2016/12/22/republicans-increasingly-rely-on-preemption-to-fight-local-control/">Ohio</a>, <a href="http://www.concordmonitor.com/Republicans-farmers-and-local-control-8119839">New Hampshire</a>, <a href="http://www.spokesman.com/stories/2016/mar/16/idaho-lawmakers-forbid-local-plastic-bag-bans/">Idaho</a>, and <a href="http://azcapitoltimes.com/news/2016/10/14/court-halts-lawsuit-over-plastic-bag-ban/">Arizona</a>. The non-partisan Legislative Fiscal Bureau counted 128 measures recently passed by the Republican legislature in <a href="http://host.madison.com/wsj/news/local/govt-and-politics/memo-gop-lawmakers-passed-measures-limiting-local-control-since/article_c0fe024d-59f8-5a2c-bb4e-95c3a8cc3e50.html">Wisconsin</a> that restricted local control. Twenty-five states have passed laws <a href="http://www.nelp.org/publication/fighting-preemption-local-minimum-wage-laws/">preventing localities</a> from raising their minimum wages.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Republican legislatures have backed up these so-called “preemption laws” with a big stick. If a local government in Arizona is found to have acted against the wishes of the legislature, it could lose all of its state aid. Many states now have laws which <a href="http://smartgunlaws.org/gun-laws/policy-areas/other-laws-policies/preemption-of-local-laws/">personally punish</a> local legislators for not obeying preemption rules.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Both parties have long traditions of abusing our political system for partisan ends. Gerrymandering election districts by creative redrawing of boundaries is a key example of parties subverting democracy. Republicans have gone further than ever before in abusing their power to redraw boundaries based on their dominance in state legislatures. In <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/wonk/wp/2015/03/01/this-is-the-best-explanation-of-gerrymandering-you-will-ever-see/?utm_term=.86b338d9ce09">Pennsylvania</a> in 2012, Republicans lost the popular vote, but won 13 of 18 House seats. <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/19/us/gerrymandering-wisconsin-pennsylvania-maryland-supremecourt.html">Wisconsin</a>’s gerrymandered districts will be reviewed by the Supreme Court, which threw out <a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/05/22/politics/north-carolina-gerrymander/index.html">North Carolina</a> Republicans’ efforts to concentrate minority voters in the fewest number of districts.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">The Senate filibuster is another undemocratic method by which a minority tries to rule. Again, both parties have used the filibuster to stifle the majority, but Republicans took this tactic to <a href="http://www.motherjones.com/kevin-drum/2013/11/charts-explain-why-democrats-went-nuclear-filibuster/">unprecedented extremes</a> to try to prevent President Obama from nominating judges. Eventually Republicans threatened to filibuster every judicial nomination made by Obama.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">In recent years, Republicans have so distorted our government structures that our democracy is threatened. Republican Senators refused to consider Obama’s Supreme Court nominee in 2016. North Carolina Republicans are trying to <a href="http://www.slate.com/blogs/the_slatest/2017/06/21/north_carolina_republicans_budget_prevents_governor_from_suing.html">remove normal powers of their Governor</a>, a Democrat. And now Republican legislatures are forbidding voters in Democratic cities from controlling their local politics.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">When Senator Joe McCarthy tried to use hysterical fears of communism to attack all liberals, he was following a playbook used by both Democrats and Republicans. When Richard Nixon tried to corrupt our governmental structures to elect and then protect himself, I didn’t think his dishonesty was especially Republican. But the current “anything we can get away with” method of governing appears to have become standard Republican practice.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Our political system is not perfect. Changes in its structure are certainly worth discussing, such as doing something about the Electoral College. But structural changes should come out of debates about principles of good governance.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt"><span style="mso-spacerun:yes">&nbsp;</span></span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">For all my life, conservatives have argued for local control, for example when they wanted to preserve segregated schools, as opposed to “big government”. Republicans constantly quote Thomas Jefferson: “Government closest to the people governs best.” Reagan did it in 1967. The Oklahoma Republican Party has those words on its website. Chapters of College Republicans use it as part of a “<a href="https://ourfuture.org/20160518/what-will-local-control-hypocrisy-cost-the-gop-in-north-carolina">Republican Oath</a>”. But when local government does something that Republicans don’t like, they forbid it.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Such principles appear to be merely window-dressing, designed to distract us from Republican partisan efforts to invalidate legitimate election results which favored Democrats. Republicans are twisting our Constitution to create the “permanent majority” that they can’t win at the ballot box.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">What will Republicans do next? And will enough Americans care as our institutions are subverted from within?</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Steve Hochstadt</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Springbrook WI</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Published in the Jacksonville Journal-Courier, July 18, 2017</span></p> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves/> <w:TrackFormatting/> <w:PunctuationKerning/> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:DoNotPromoteQF/> <w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther> <w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian> <w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript> <w:Compatibility> <w:BreakWrappedTables/> 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ID: 153965
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: How Nikola Tesla Sparked the Electric Age
Source: The Daily Beast
Body: <p style="margin: 0px 0px 15px; line-height: 29.5px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">With the launch of Tesla’s Model 3 electric sedan, inventor Nikola Tesla is about to become more famous than ever—and for all the wrong reasons, being compared to Henry Ford, the car guy, not Thomas Edison, the electricity guru.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 15px; line-height: 29.5px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Tesla may have outdone Edison in wizardry, but not in business—Tesla died broke and broken. In a small, well-played part in&nbsp;<a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=PF76qlwWM8s" style="transition: color 0.15s ease; background-color: transparent;"><em>The Prestige</em></a>, David Bowie captured the eccentric, tortured, moralistic, futuristic Tesla. Today, as we wander around, swimming in invisible waves transmitting energy all around us, as we spend our lives addicted to wireless devices catching a hail of transparent messages, we live in Tesla’s world.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 15px; line-height: 29.5px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Although many say Tesla&nbsp;<a href="http://topyaps.com/7-badass-geeks-ever-lived" style="transition: color 0.15s ease; background-color: transparent;">invented the twentieth century</a>, it is more fitting to say he invented the twenty-first century, Kenny Breuer, Professor of Engineering at Brown University, explains. Breuer says most of Tesla’s inventions became “winners” later, “so for years no one really appreciated his achievements. Electric motors, wireless communication, wireless powering, those are all Tesla’s ideas that didn’t really dominate until the rest of technology could catch up with his brilliance"...</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 15px; line-height: 29.5px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="http://www.thedailybeast.com/how-nikola-tesla-sparked-the-electric-age">Read whole article on The Daily Beast.</a></p>
ID: 153966
Uid: 341
Author: 40
Category: 0
Title: "Kill Jpan" or My High School Life During WWII
Source:
Body: <p><img src="/sites/default/files/153966-pearlharbor-lrg.png" alt="153966-pearlharbor-lrg.png"></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: smaller;">USS&nbsp;<i>Arizona</i>&nbsp;during the attack</span></p><p><i>Post by Murray Polner, the author of </i><a href="https://www.amazon.com/No-victory-parades-Vietnam-veteran/dp/0030860113"><i>No Victory Parades: The Return of the Vietnam Veteran</i></a><i>,</i><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Branch-Rickey-Biography-Murray-Polner/dp/0786426438/ref=asap_bc?ie=UTF8"><i> Branch Rickey: A Biography,</i></a><i>&nbsp;and co-editor of&nbsp;</i><a href="https://www.amazon.com/We-Who-Dared-Say-War/dp/1568583850"><i>We Who Dared Say No To War</i></a><i>.</i></p><p>On the morning of December 8, 194, my 8th grade pal Marvin, livid at what the Japanese "rats" has done to his country in a place he had never before heard of, carried a can of black paint and a brush to the sidewalk in front of Gibalovitz's pharmacy on Herzl Street in Brooklyn's Brownsville neighborhood and inscribed his immortal if ephemeral fighting words: "Kill Jpan."</p> <p>We both attended P.S. 165 in Brownsville, an overwhelmingly Jewish neighborhood not far from Irish Flatbush, Italian Canarsie and Ocean Hill and a scattering of blacks living in shabby tenements. If Marvin couldn't spell he was nonetheless on to something. We were on our way to high school. It was 1942, the war was on, and by the time we graduated four years later, older neighborhood boys &nbsp;like Irving Starr, whose family owned a delicatessen, had died somewhere over the Ploesti oilfields in Romania and Phil Drazen, the son of our grocery store owner as well as a 19 year old rifleman who lived new door to us, were dead somewhere in Europe. My sister's husband was drafted and spent four years on the lookout for Japanese planes. Moe, the only non-Jew I knew in the neighborhood, managed to get home but his body and mind were shattered forever.</p> <p>I cared, I guess, when I heard the radio reports of death and devastation. And my father never forgot that he had been a combat veteran of WWI's Tsarist army who deserted after the Revolution and was later shanghaied by an anti-Semitic band of White renegades under General Kornilov, who forced him to fight on their side during the devastating, if largely unknown, 1918-21 civil wars when Reds, Whites, Poles and Ukrainians tried to kill each other and their civilians, until he again deserted. &nbsp;Still, during the four years I was in Samuel J. Tilden High School, like my classmates, I was more or less oblivious to the fighting and killing. I acted in plays including a musical. I was on the football team and a school newspaper editor. I may be wrong, but I can't recall a single article any of us wrote in Tilden Topics about the war or politics. &nbsp;It's not that war wasn't discussed in my home. After all, we were Jewish and deeply concerned about relatives still left behind after Operation Barbarossa, when the Wehrmacht stormed into Russia and people like my father's younger sister and her family were killed and his parents and niece fled for their lives to Kazakhstan. </p> <p>But the war insisted on intruding into our rather innocent, sheltered lives of ball playing, girl-chasing and indifference. People like Gunther would suddenly appear. Short, muscular, curly-haired, he and his mother had somehow escaped from Europe&nbsp;– Germany to France-to-Latin America – after his father was taken by the Nazis. But once here, never another word from him or us. One of our Irish Catholic bachelor women teachers tried to get him to share his experiences, but Gunther refused, even objecting to his mother showing up on Open School Week. So the silence continued.</p> <p>Quite unknown to us, we were unconsciously preparing for our future. Eugene would become an air force officer, Jerry a school principal, Marty a musician, Norm a businessman, Milt a state trooper, and most of us, me included, were eventually drafted. I never saw Gunther or Marvin again though another boy, a running back who played on our winless football team, told me years after that I was the only one on the team who ever read a book. </p> <p>But above all we were unquestioning patriots, like Marvin. We trusted our government, our politicians and our leaders. Whenever the Movietone Newsreel would show a U.S. naval ship on the screen of our local movie theater situated&nbsp; close by the entrance to the Saratoga Avenue IRT EL and a few years earlier the hangout for our local mobsters and murderers, we'd stand, reverently, and cheer; a few even saluted. We collected metal products and left them at curbside so someone somewhere would melt it down and turn it into more weapons to kill Marvin's "rats." I joined the Air Raid Wardens as a Messenger, proudly wearing a white helmet and a blue arm band and loved running down the streets yelling for people to shut their lights because I imagined the Luftwaffe was heading for us. One older woman refused. "How else I can see the blackout?" she yelled back. </p> <p>One rainy Saturday morning in October 1944, I watched an obviously frail FDR wearing a black cloak being driven down Pitkin Avenue in an open car on his way to Ebbets Field to speak. Everyone I knew adored FDR though when I dared say to my friends that Wendell Willkie, his Republican rival, wasn't a bad guy (though I changed my mind when he supported conscription) they took turns punching me. Mr. Miller, who lived across the street in an apartment house and was the local Democratic Party's top man, hurled invectives at anyone not in love with FDR. A man once screamed at me because I was not in uniform fighting FDR's war. His son, he shouted, was in the army. Why wasn't I too? "I'm only 15, mister," I screamed back and he advised me to do something to myself physically impossible. </p> <p>There were few dissenters; the Communists were our pals until the Cold War split the two erstwhile allies. The Japanese, alleged subversives, were interned in camps scattered through the western deserts. And the Democratic loyalists, virtually none of whom said anything about 100,000 Japanese-American citizens imprisoned behind FDR's barbed wires, were out every Election Day eve speaking on Saratoga and Pitkin avenues for every party but the Republicans (the only Republican I ever knew was a lawyer, a perennial losing candidate for a congressional seat, whose office beneath my friends' parents' dress store drew lots of tenants suing their landlords).</p> <p>After I graduated, the Cold War and the anti-Red crusade began to take its toll, on America and Tilden HS. My apolitical sister told me that her favorite high school typing-steno teacher had been fired from Tilden by the NYC Board of Education. Why she didn't know. I also I heard that her fired teacher's Marine son had been killed on Guadalcanal during the war and also that our school's teacher of Spanish, the comedian Sam Levinson, who had named his son in honor of the fired teacher's dead Marine son and also wrote a humor column for a left-wing newspaper came close to being "exposed" by one of the for-profit rags that earned its dirty keep by outing Communists and left-leaning liberals. Later I heard allegations that he had taken the smart way out and paid them some money so he could be "cleared" and allowed to continue teaching, writing and of course telling very funny jokes.</p> <p>Another of my favorite high school teachers &nbsp;– whose name I've sadly forgotten &nbsp;– was kicked out for his political views, which I never heard him express in my social studies classroom. I did hear rumors that he took a job delivering milk to support his family. Anyway, by the time I graduated, the war was over.</p>
ID: 153967
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: This Anti-Slavery Crusader Was The Enemy of Lincoln
Source: The Daily Beast
Body: <p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px 0px 15px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Fremont, California is once again shorthand for pioneering—as the<a href="https://www.tesla.com/factory" style="transition: color 0.15s ease; background-color: transparent;">&nbsp;factory headquarters</a>&nbsp;of the Tesla, the pathbreaking electric car.</p><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px 0px 15px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Sometimes, geography is destiny: Mastercard, fittingly, is headquartered in Purchase, New York. John C. Frémont, the man after whom Tesla’s hometown of 233,000 was named in 1956, was America’s Pathfinder. As a pioneer, he helped popularize the settling of the West. As a soldier, he helped expand America. And as a politician, he helped hew the path for America to become the land of the free.</p><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px 0px 15px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">But Tesla stockholders beware: Frémont’s biography, like California’s history, was rocked by earthquakes. The army arrested and court-martialed him. Abraham Lincoln fired him. The Panic of 1873 bankrupted him.</p><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px 0px 15px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="http://www.thedailybeast.com/this-anti-slavery-crusader-was-the-enemy-of-lincoln">Read whole article on The Daily Beast.&nbsp;</a></p>
ID: 153968
Uid: 16
Author: 32
Category: 0
Title: Of McLain and "Of Mess and Men"
Source:
Body: <div class="_5pbx userContent" id="js_1yq" data-ft="{&quot;tn&quot;:&quot;K&quot;}"><div class="_5pbx userContent" id="js_1yq" data-ft="{&quot;tn&quot;:&quot;K&quot;}"><p>The odds are fairly strong that while Nancy MacLean was a graduate student at the University of Wisconsin, she read <a href="https://www.jstor.org/stable/2110433?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents">"Of Mess and Men: The Boardinghouse and Congressional Voting, 1821-1842</a>," co-authored by my mentor, Allan G. Bogue in his well-attended seminar on political history </p><p>&nbsp;Bogue had a habit of assigning&nbsp;this article (a critique of historian James Sterling Young's methods) for his students . It was intended as a cautionary tale illustrating the dangers of academic misconduct. </p><p> Bogue particularly called our attention to pages 225-26 (see below) which featured Young's edited quotation of the words of Rep. Josiah Quincy alongside the full original quotation. The upshot, as emphasized by Bogue, was that Young had misled his readers by twisting the actual meaning to fit his thesis. I doubt that anyone who sat through this seminar would have forgotten it. </p><p> During other weeks of the seminar, Bogue reeled off similar examples of academic misconduct. These were more than classroom exercises. As a leader of the profession (he was a past president of the Organization of American Historians), Bogue often went out of his way to expose colleagues guilty of similar offenses, even when it risked the loss of long-time friends.</p></div></div>
ID: 153969
Uid: 31615
Author: 19
Category: 0
Title: Conversations About Health Care
Source:
Body: <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Everybody’s talking about health care. But it’s not because of the incompetent ideological circus playing in Congress. That offers a fascinating look into the Republican soul, but few of my conversations about health care mention politics. Talk about health care is mostly about the health of my family, my friends, and my friends’ families, and the care they need.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">As a healthy youngster, my input to health care discussions at home was usually, “I’m fine.” I probably said that to my mother while I was soaking in a tub full of hot water after playing touch football. She didn’t believe me, so I got on the operating table soon enough to stop the bleeding from my ruptured spleen.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">In college, I remember a lot of conversations about whether we should do something that was obviously bad for our health. I leaned toward caution, not popular then, but looking better in retrospect.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Then my parents and my friends’ parents got old. Then we got old. Now most conversations with friends and family begin right after “hello” with talk about health care. “How are you?” is not a meaningless greeting, it’s an earnest question.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">There’s no cure for old age, and I don’t care. I do care about how many people close to me are dealing with forgetfulness, blood tests, pain, and walkers; with health problems of mothers and fathers and ourselves; with nurses, doctors, hospitals, and insurance companies.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Longer-lived women are taking care of men who are sinking, along with many but fewer cases the other way around. Baby boomers like me turn into caregivers, managing doctors’ visits and prescription drugs, making nursing homes a second home.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Times have changed, too. The earnest TV commercials for </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=hPIEdAbQbYw"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">cough medicine</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">, and </span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=SeJq-zGr7RU"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">aspirin</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> and “</span><a href="https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=-fQ4JhOXmTg"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Preparation H</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">” have turned into ubiquitous ads for medicines that might make you sick or kill you; for lawyers who will sue your doctor; for hospitals that will treat you, and insurance companies that might pay them.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">It’s hard not to think constantly about health. Those thoughts can be difficult, sad, perplexing, and inconclusive. Joys are recovery from illness, the kindness of health care professionals, health scares that are false alarms. The sad stuff can last a long time, changing into something different but permanent at the end.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">And we talk about money. It costs money to live and maybe more to die. Whose money will pay for the health care of people I love? That’s not the first thing we talk about. It’s not the most important thing most of the time. But it’s one of the most perplexing.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">When I get a bill from a doctor, I have no idea who is going to pay what. Will Medicare pick up the tab? Will my insurance company pitch in and for how much? What will I pay at the end? How much of my deductible have I used up?</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Should I get </span><a href="https://money.usnews.com/money/personal-finance/articles/2016-03-10/why-no-one-can-afford-long-term-care-insurance-and-what-to-use-instead"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">long-term care insurance</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">? Or should I have gotten it 10 years ago? Should I save money on insurance premiums by taking a high deductible? Or is that a </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2016/11/01/business/is-high-deductible-health-insurance-worth-the-risk.html?_r=0"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">risky bet</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">?</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Nobody can take away such worries. Ignorance doesn’t help, either from </span><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/bob-cesca/get-your-goddamn-governme_b_252326.html"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">those who shouted</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt"> “Keep your government hands off my Medicare,” or from our President, who says </span><a href="http://www.nbcnews.com/politics/donald-trump/trump-lays-blame-health-care-bill-failure-n784006"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">he doesn’t care</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> what happens to the rest of us, now that he didn’t get his way.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">I believe that we have a right to get help with our health care from our government. We all need that help, every day, to prevent con artists from lying to us about miracle cures, to prevent the pharmaceutical industry from selling untested drugs, to prevent insurance companies from kicking the sickest off their rolls, to sponsor research which can save lives.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Our government got into the health care business to save lives, and it has been doing that, more or less successfully, for nearly two centuries. In my home town, </span><a href="http://www.jacksonvilleil.com/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Jacksonville</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">, the state of Illinois long ago created institutions to care for people with health problems: a </span><a href="http://www.illinoisdeaf.org/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">school for the deaf</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> in 1839, a </span><a href="http://www.dhs.state.il.us/page.aspx?item=87728"><span style="font-size: 12.0pt">school for the blind</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> in 1849, a </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Jacksonville_Developmental_Center"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">hospital for the mentally ill</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> in 1851.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Progressives around Teddy Roosevelt advocated for </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/History_of_health_care_reform_in_the_United_States"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">universal health coverage</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> before World War I, at the same time that our government began to try to </span><a href="https://www.fda.gov/aboutfda/whatwedo/history/milestones/ucm081229.htm"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">prevent disease</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> by inspecting meat packing plants, and prohibiting adulterated drugs and false therapeutic claims.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">The creators of our nation believed that “Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness” were the most important </span><a href="http://www.ushistory.org/declaration/document/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">universal rights</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt"> to be protected by government. </span><a href="http://www.pursuit-of-happiness.org/about/why-happiness/jeffersons-happiness/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">It’s not clear</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> what led Thomas Jefferson to elevate the pursuit of happiness to an inalienable right. If that phrase means anything, it must include government participation in our efforts to stay healthy. How can anyone be happy who can’t pay for health care they need?</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">There’s no such thing as a right to good health. But as Americans, we have a right to get collective help, if we need it, to stay healthy. That means government protection from poisons in our food, air, and water (see Flint, Michigan), from </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/List_of_largest_pharmaceutical_settlements"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">false claims by drug producers</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">, and from </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Medical_malpractice"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">medical malpractice</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt">. In today’s world, it must also mean assistance in paying for medical treatment for those without resources.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">So says the Declaration of Independence.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Steve Hochstadt</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Springbrook, WI</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Published in the Jacksonville Journal-Courier, July 25, 2017</span></p> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves/> <w:TrackFormatting/> <w:PunctuationKerning/> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> 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ID: 153970
Uid: 292
Author: 11
Category: 0
Title: My Lynching Photo Problem, and Ours
Source:
Body: <p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153970-book.png">&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre"> </span>&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;On February 13, 2017, the University Press of North Carolina announced a new book, <a href="https://www.uncpress.org/book/9781469631158/civil-rights-culture-wars/"><i>Civil Rights, Culture Wars: The Fight Over a Mississippi Textbook</i></a>. Written by Ole Miss history professor Charles Eagles, <i>Civil Rights, Culture Wars</i> tells the history of another book, <i><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Mississippi-conflict-change-James-Loewen/dp/0394709292">Mississippi: Conflict and Change</a></i>, which was published in 1974, of which I was senior author and, with Charles Sallis, professor of history at Millsaps College, co-editor. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Eagles covers the entire saga of how our book came to be, from the background of the Mississippi educational system in the 1950s and the "Oh no!" moment that sparked the project, to the writing of our book and our attempts to get Mississippi to allow its use, leading to our lawsuit against the State Textbook Board, and including the court decision and its impact. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Reading this book about our book provided me with an unexpected learning experience. Eagles points to an important error we made in <i>Conflict and Change</i>, a mistake other writers have made intentionally. I write this essay to confess this error, to commend Charles Eagles for his detective work, and also to bring attention to the tradition we historians and sociologists have of locating violent racism in the South. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In 1970 I put together a team of students and faculty at Tougaloo College and nearby Millsaps, to write a new textbook of Mississippi history. The existing book, John K. Bettersworth's <i>Mississippi: Yesterday and Today</i>, <a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/153548">was terrible</a>. Bettersworth's textbook bolstered the thinking of Mississippi's notoriously racist white elected officials and even supplied the rationale underlying the actions of Byron de la Beckwith, convicted murderer of civil rights leader Medgar Evers. I discuss the particular "Oh no!" moment that sparked the project in the opening pages of <a href="https://www.tcpress.com/teaching-what-really-happened-9780807749913">Teaching What <i>Really</i> Happened</a>, &nbsp;a moment caused by the misinformation in Bettersworth's book. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Our product, <i>Mississippi: Conflict and Change,</i> published in 1974, won the Lillian Smith Award for Best Southern Nonfiction.<a href="#_ftn1">[1]</a> Nevertheless, the Mississippi State Textbook Board rejected it. In turn, we sued the Board on First and Fourteenth Amendment grounds. We won a pathbreaking decision (<a href="http://law.justia.com/cases/federal/district-courts/FSupp/488/1138/1400137/">Loewen et al. v. Turnipseed et al.</a>), &nbsp;hailed by the American Library Association as a landmark case protecting Americans' "right to read freely." </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In several ways <i>Mississippi: Conflict and Change</i> differed from other history textbooks, then and now. In places, it was self-critical. To my knowledge, no other textbook ever has been. It referred to women on second mention without courtesy titles: "Welty," not "Miss Welty," parallel to "Faulkner," not "Mr. Faulkner." Its 32 maps showed relationships among social variables, not just minutiae like the name of every county seat. It included pictures and accounts of history-makers of all races, not just whites. And it included a photo of a lynching. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Until then, no history textbook, state or national, contained such a photo. To my knowledge, no other history textbook, state or national, does, even today. Most photos in the existing textbook were head-and-shoulders portraits of old white men, Such pictures are devoid of historic value unless one believes in phrenology. We vowed to do better. We wanted illustrations that showed history or themselves were historic documents. At trial, Neil McMillen, professor of history at the University of Southern Mississippi and author of <i>Dark Journey: Black Mississippians in the Age of Jim Crow</i>, testified to his admiration of the pictures in our book. </p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153970-1.png"></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: smaller;"><span style="font-size: smaller;">One U.S. history textbook included this drawing for a while. It's not a drawing of an actual lynching but a Reconstruction-era political cartoon implying that if Democrats win, they will lynch "carpetbagger" Republicans. A current textbook has a photograph of a civil rights march; one man carries a placard with a drawing of a lynching victim. Otherwise, no lynching images appear in K-12 textbooks. Too controversial?</span></span></p><p> &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The lynching photo was particularly hard to find. Mississippi had more lynchings than any other state, but as the poorest state in the nation, had hardly any cameras! We did our research the hard way, decades before the internet, and also decades before Jimmy Allen had compiled his collection of lynching photos, some of which appear in the book<i> <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Without-Sanctuary-Lynching-Photography-America/dp/0944092691/ref=sr_1_1">Without Sanctuary</a></i>. Finally we found a photo, identified simply as taken in Mississippi, in Scott Nearing's 1929 book<i> Black America</i>. Nearing was still alive — indeed, he lived to be 100, passing away in 1983 — so I located him, wrote him, and asked permission to reprint the photo. Sure, he said, but he did not have the original; I'd have to take the image from the book. I may have asked for details as to where and when the picture was taken, but if I did, he no longer knew, so we titled the photo simply, "A Mississippi lynching, captured by the camera." </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; As lynching photos go, it is "tasteful." In the foreground, in silhouette, a man is being burned. Behind him, well-dressed whites pose for the camera. It does not show the victim in close-up; no one is hacking parts off his body. Nevertheless, the photo was controversial. Indeed, it figured in the "Perry Mason moment" of our trial in 1980. This came when the Assistant Attorney General for the State of Mississippi asked John Turnipseed, lead defendant, why he had objected to <i>Mississippi: Conflict and Change</i>. He had the court turn to page 178, the page with the lynching discussion. Pointing to the photo, he said, "Now, you know some ninth-graders are pretty big, especially black male ninth-graders. And we worried, or at least I worried that teachers, especially white lady teachers, would have trouble controlling their classes, with material like this in the book." So our book would cause racial unrest in the classroom! </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; We had pretested our book in an overwhelmingly white classroom and an overwhelmingly black classroom; both had preferred it overwhelmingly to Bettersworth's book, so we had material for rebuttal testimony at the ready, but we didn't have to use it. At that point, Judge Orma Smith — an 83-year-old white Mississippian but a man of honor — took over the questioning. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "But that happened, didn't it?" he asked. "Didn't Mississippi have more lynchings than any other state?"</p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "Well, yes," Turnipseed allowed. "But that all happened so long ago. Why dwell on it now?"</p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Smith replied, "Well, it is a history book!" Charles Sallis and I nudged each other. "We're gonna win this case!" I murmured. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; We had used the photo to make this point in the book: "Although lynchings occurred in almost every state, most of them took place in the Deep South. More lynchings have been recorded in Mississippi than in any other state." </p> <p><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space:pre"> </span>&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;It turns out, however, as Eagles shows, that the lynching photo is not of a Mississippi incident at all, but from the race riot in Omaha, Nebraska, during the "Red Summer" of 1919. (Almost all race riots in U.S. history before 1942 were of whites rioting against people of color.) </p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153970-2.png"><span style="font-size: smaller;">&nbsp;</span></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: smaller;"><span style="font-size: smaller;">Not "A Mississippi lynching, captured by the camera." Rather, well-dressed white men and women pose behind the burning body of William Brown in Omaha, Nebraska, in 1919.</span></span></p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Of course, at the time we had no idea we had mislabeled it. Luckily, neither did anyone else. (The State would have rejoiced to be able to point to such an error.) During the years since our trial, Sallis learned of the mistake at some point, but I learned it only from Eagles's book. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In the intervening years, I have focused much of my research on racism in the North. My <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Sundown-Towns-Hidden-Dimension-American/dp/0743294483/ref=sr_1_5?s=books&amp;ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1501762625&amp;sr=1-5&amp;keywords=james+e.+loewen">book</a> and <a href="http://sundown.tougaloo.edu/sundowntowns.php">website</a> Sundown Towns show that many more Northern&nbsp; communities flatly excluded African Americans during most of the twentieth century than did towns in the traditional South. These Northern towns usually went sundown between 1890 and about 1940, the "Nadir of race relations." In those years, whites went more racist in their ideology than at any other point in our nation's past, and that was true North as well as South. Writing of the day-to-day interactions of whites and blacks in Ohio, for example, Frank Quillen observed in 1913 that race prejudice "is increasing steadily, especially during the last twenty years."<a href="#_ftn2">[2]</a> This is when lynchings rose to their all-time high, and although most indeed took place in Dixie, on a per-black-capita basis, white Northerners may have committed as many. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; I write "may have" because librarians at Tuskegee Institute compiled the database used for most lynching studies from Southern weekly newspapers; they did not include data from Northern states. Like the database, the NAACP spent most of its time and resources exposing and arguing for an end to Southern lynching and segregation. Three of the most iconic lynching photos stem from Northern spectacle lynchings: Omaha, 1919; Duluth, Minnesota, the next year; and Marion, Indiana, in 1930. Often, these images have been used to illustrate Southern lynchings. For example, <i>The Chamber</i>, a Hollywood film, uses the photo of the Marion lynching, dubbing it "Lynching in Rural Mississippi in 1936."&nbsp;</p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153970-3.png"></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: smaller;"><span style="font-size: smaller;">The bodies of Thomas Shipp and Abram Smith hang above a crowd of white people in summer dresses and straw hats in Marion, Indiana, August, 1930. One man points toward a body.&nbsp;</span></span></p><p>"Part 1: Awakenings" from the famous documentary series <i>Eyes On The Prize </i>shows the same image while narrator Julian Bond says "There had been more than 500 documented lynchings in Mississippi alone." Today one web page titles the Duluth lynching photo "Alabama Wind Chimes."<a href="#_ftn3">[3]</a>&nbsp;</p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153970-4.png"></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: smaller;"><span style="font-size: smaller;">A white mob has just lynched three black circus roustabouts, Elias Clayton, Elmer Jackson, and Isaac McGhie, in Duluth, Minnesota, in 1920. Two hang from a utility pole; the third lies on the ground beneath. Young white men crowd to get into the picture from either side.&nbsp;</span></span></p><div> <p></p><p> When I put "Southern" and "lynchings" into Google images on July 29, 2017, the Marion lynching came up second, fifth, and ninth. Duluth came up third and fourteenth. A different Omaha image (but of the same burned body) came up twelfth, and the image we used was #24.<a href="#_ftn4">[4]</a> </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; At least since the Civil War, American culture has located extreme racial violence in the South. To be sure, many white Southerners have done what they could to deserve and even promote this reputation. Leaders like Theodore Bilbo of Mississippi, Rebecca Felton of Georgia, and Pitchfork Ben Tilman of South Carolina called openly for lynchings to keep African Americans subdued. However, Northern communities also resorted to violence, usually to drive African Americans out. These race riots rarely got reported. Between 1999 and 2004, as I told people that I was researching sundown towns, they often replied, "In Mississippi, right?" "In Alabama?" In fact, I found more than 500 sundown towns in Illinois, compared to just 3 in Mississippi. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Even when whites take note of Northern sundown towns, they locate them in the South! During World War II, Malcolm Ross of the Fair Employment Practices Commission described Calhoun County, Illinois, as "a farming area on the Mississippi forty miles north" of St. Louis. "Calhoun County is recorded in the 1940 census as '8,207 whites; no Negroes; no other races,' " he went on to note. "This is not by accident. Calhoun people see to it that no Negroes settle there. This is ... an earthly paradise for those who hate Negro Americans." Calhoun County remains sundown today, so far as I can tell. Then Ross makes an astounding statement: "Along with the white boys from Calhoun County, and a hundred other counties of the South..."<a href="#_ftn5">[5]</a> Calhoun County is just 65 miles southwest of Springfield, the capital of Illinois. It's not even in Southern Illinois, let alone "the South." </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In 2007, reporter Elliot Jaspin wrote a book about sundown towns, <i>Buried in the Bitter Waters</i> (NYC: Basic Books). He focuses on twelve counties. Seven are in Confederate states. Three others are in the Border states of Kentucky and Missouri. The final two are in Indiana, but he notes that they lie in southern Indiana. Jaspin emphasizes the Southerness of the phenomenon, as does the movie <i>Banished</i>, which had him as an adviser. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; It turns out that, like the Tuskegee librarians, Jaspin started with census data from Southern states. Naturally he found sundown counties in the South! Even so, of his seven Southern counties, however, not one lies in what we might call the traditional South. One is in Texas,<a href="#_ftn6">[6]</a> two in the Arkansas Ozarks, two in far eastern Tennessee, one in far western North Carolina, and one in the Appalachian Mountains in north central Georgia. Similarly, the cases he found in Missouri and Kentucky lie not in the "Southern" parts of those states — which in Missouri are the counties in an east-west band along either side of the Missouri River, along with the cotton lands along the Mississippi. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In reality, there are more sundown towns and counties in Wisconsin than in North Carolina, more in Oregon than in Georgia. Within Indiana, sundown towns are at least as common in the north as in the south. And so it goes. </p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153970-5.png "></p><p style="text-align: center;"> <span style="font-size: smaller;"><span style="font-size: smaller;">Kurt Vonnegut's drawing of a sundown town sign.</span></span></p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; I wrote "And so it goes" not only to mean "etc." but also to reference novelist Kurt Vonnegut. Growing up in central Indiana, he saw sundown town signs all over the state in his childhood. In <i>Breakfast of Champions</i> he wrote about the phenomenon, which he illustrated with his own drawing of a sundown town sign, which he then gave me permission to use. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The three iconic photographs of Northern lynchings give the lie to the notion that these dastardly deeds were committed by lower-class deviants at the margins of society in the dark of night. Rather, they show upright members of the white community happy to have their images captured in the commission of a felony, because they believe that they will be commended, not prosecuted, for the act. Indeed, a lynching can be defined as a public murder, done with considerable support of the community. When done by whites to people of color, it is a particularly egregious expression of racism, because the entire community knows that the perpetrators will likely get away with it. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; When we mislabel these three lynching photos as Southern, we again marginalize the perpetrators. When we locate sundown towns in the South, we write Bad Sociology (BS!) that excuses the rest of the country. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Acts of violent racism have historically occurred all over the nation. In this era of BLM, they continue to do so. </p> <br> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[1]Besides the Lillian Smith Award, <i>Mississippi: Conflict and Change</i> has won considerable attention over the years. Robert B. Moore compared it systematically to Bettersworth's textbook in a 24-page booklet, "Two History Texts: A Study in Contrast," (NY: Council on Interracial Books for Children, 1975). Herbert Foerstel lauded it in <i>Studied Ignorance: How Curricular Censorship and Textbook Selection Are Dumbing Down American Education</i> (Santa Barbara: BAC-CLIO Praeger, 2013), 53-57. Rebecca Miller Davis commended it in the lead article in volume 72 of the <i>Journal of Mississippi History</i> (Spring, 2016), 1-45. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[2]Frank U. Quillen, <i>The Color Line in Ohio</i> (Ann Arbor: Wahr, 1913), 120. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[3]At <a href="https://memegenerator.net">https://memegenerator.net</a>.&nbsp;This is an Israeli site! </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[4]At the pages referenced by Google, some of these images are identified correctly; "Southern" merely occurs elsewhere on the page. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[5]Malcolm Ross, <i>All Manner of Men </i>(NY:&nbsp; Reynal &amp; Hitchcock, 1948), 66. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[6]I brought that county, Comanche, to his attention.&nbsp;</p> </div>
ID: 153971
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: The Truth About Colonel Klink: When America's Favorite Comedy Nazi Commandant Was Played by a Jewish Refugee
Source: The Daily Beast
Body: <p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px 0px 15px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Imagine achieving fame as an actor playing Nazis in America – thirty years after fleeing the Nazis to America.</p><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px 0px 15px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">In our dour politically correct culture, which takes comedy too seriously, it sounds like a particularly excruciating form of hell. Werner Klemperer, born in Cologne in 1920, built his career playing a Nazi criminal Emil Hahn on trial in&nbsp;<em>Judgment at Nuremberg</em>, and the mass murderer Adolf Eichmann in<em>Operation Eichmann</em>. Then, he was the bumbling, hyper-Teutonic, Colonel Wilhelm Klink in the TV sitcom&nbsp;<em>Hogan’s Heroes</em>&nbsp;from 1965 through 1971. Coming from a generation that could see art as challenging and comedy as subversion, Klemperer was proud of these roles. &nbsp;His outrageous star turn ridiculing Nazis week after week on CBS was downright liberating.</p><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px 0px 15px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">It sounds like a&nbsp;<em>Saturday Night Live</em>&nbsp;skit gone bad: produce a comedy about a German Prisoner of War camp just twenty years after the liberation of Auschwitz; Gomer Pyle meets Stalag 17. &nbsp;Then hire three German Jewish refugees as three prominent Nazis. Include among the “prisoners” a Buchenwald survivor who lost twelve siblings and parents in Auschwitz, and still bears the concentration camp number A5714 the Nazis branded onto his forearm...</p><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px 0px 15px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="http://www.thedailybeast.com/the-truth-about-colonel-klink-when-americas-favorite-comedy-nazi-commandant-was-played-by-a-jewish-refugee">Read whole article on The Daily Beast.</a></p>
ID: 153972
Uid: 341
Author: 40
Category: 0
Title: The Deep South and the Rest of Us
Source:
Body: <p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153972-pic2.png"></p><p><i>Murray Polner is an HNN blogger and the author of "Rabbi: The American Experience," "Branch Rickey: A Biography" and co-author of "Disarmed &amp; Dangerous," a dual bio of the Berrigan brothers.</i></p> <p>I only spent less than a year in the Bible Belts of Georgia, South Carolina and Mississippi in the early fifties and seventies, alien places for non-southerners. I first went South with the US Army before heading overseas, then as a writer, and finally as a tourist. Each time I carried with me southern-born W.J. Cash's fascinating 1941 book <i>Mind of the South</i>. A paragraph he wrote still sticks with me.</p> <p>"Proud, brave and honorable by its lights, courteous, personally generous, loyal, swift to act, often too swift, but signally effective, sometimes terrible in its action--such was the South at its best. And such as its best remains today, despite the great falling away in some of its virtues. Violence, intolerance, aversion and suspicion toward new ideas, an incapacity for analysis,&nbsp; an inclination to act from feeing rather than from thought, an exaggerated individualism and too narrow a concept of social responsibility, attachment&nbsp; to fictions and false name of those values, sentimentality and a lack of realism--these have been its characteristic vices in the past. And, despite changes for the better, they remain characteristic vices today."&nbsp; </p> <p>Still, I remember remarkable southerners such as Stanley Dearman, who edited and owned the <i>Neshoba Democrat</i>, a Philadelphia, Mississippi weekly, who condemned the killers of the three civil rights volunteers, Andrew Goodman, Michael Schwerner and James Chaney. I remember too Hodding Carter's&nbsp; <i>Delta Democrat-Times</i>, a fine newspaper whose major advertisers--especially the local &nbsp;Jewish merchants--refused to cancel their ads when the paper was assailed for their liberal position on racial matters. &nbsp;And it's hard for me to forget P.D. East, now ancient history, who ran <i>The Petal Paper</i> in Petal, Mississippi, from 1953-1971 and "who represented the small, and generally cautious, segment of white southern society" as someone wrote on his University of Southern Mississippi archive. East's <i>Petal Paper</i> lost its ads and local subscribers and had to move to another small town in Alabama because of his support for equal and fair treatment for African Americans. Confronted by a hostile white population, but far braver than the south's white newspapers and most of the national media, he survived as long as he did because of donations from other parts of the country.</p> <p>There were of course, many others like the northern housewife Viola Liuzzo who volunteered as a driver; but for Gary May's incisive <i>The Informant: The FBI, the Ku Klux Klan and the Murder of Viola Liuzzo</i>&nbsp;and a memorial erected in her memory near Selma by the&nbsp; Southern Christian Leadership Conference she has been forgotten. Like so many others she was murdered while hate-filled newspapers and local TV stations excoriated her and other victims. &nbsp;One of the few outspoken whites, Ole Miss historian James Silver, damned the state as a "closed society -- totalitarian, monolithic and corrupt" and eventually left to teach at Notre Dame. &nbsp;It's easy to forget the state's repressiveness in the 1960s and how hard it was to dissent. Mississippi was then under the control of the most lawless racist elements. A police state, one Mississippian told me, looking back. Phones were tapped. Mail opened. Faculty fired. Clergy warned. &nbsp;</p> <p>Confederate flags hung from modest homes even into the eighties. An Augusta, Georgia, middle school faculty voted overwhelmingly to quit their public school and join a private and segregated academy, a move opposed only by my Augusta teacher wife and one of her colleagues. Cities like Charleston, South Carolina, a city of 70,000 on the eve of secession and civil war, had 2,800 whites owning 37,000 slaves, its slave trade the largest in the country. "Slavery built this city and the culture that built slavery defined how people behaved," wrote Mark Smith, an historian at the University of South Carolina in <i>The Smell of Battle, the Taste of Siege: A Sensory History of the Civil War.</i>&nbsp;When I asked a tour guide in Charleston in the eighties why she had excluded Black Charleston, she immediately apologized, changed gears and reeled of a detailed history of segregation and the cruelty it fostered, while leading us into black neighborhoods. There were too the ubiquitous religious reminders to remember Jesus and attend church.&nbsp; Hard-shell Baptism and other fundamentalist creeds represent a thriving business in the state, as politically potent as it is religiously significant. Such aggressive, unquestioning and orthodox practices are anomalous in secular America. And given the apostolic basis upon which these practices are grounded, a foundation which science and rationalism have ridiculed but not undermined, local mores demand a degree of conformity.</p> <p>Until Washington's pressures, LBJ, black and white activists, pacifists and the awakening of a long-quiescent media, those states were symbolized as Theodore Bilbo, Jesse Helms, Pitchfork Ben Tillman, George Wallace&nbsp; and Lester Maddox Country, a distant land of Black Codes and legalized lynching,&nbsp; when, since the end of the Civil War, thousands of African Americans were hung -- "public murders that were tolerated by state and federal officials" and whose killers, as Bryan Stevenson recently wrote in the <i>NY Review of Books</i>, were never punished. Moreover, hostility toward blacks were encouraged by politicians and voters, north, west and south, denouncing reforms as catering to welfare queens, busing and affirmative action. Ronald Reagan famously opened his campaign for the presidency at the Neshoba County Fair in Philadelphia and Barry Goldwater hid behind his States Rights beliefs while voting against Civil Rights bills. Northern and western towns and cities also carried on unremitting warfare against black Americans, practicing residential and school discrimination and disregarding police misconduct. When a northerner criticized southern racial practices a southerner asked him to write as well about Boston's angry protests against integrating their schools. And while the Deep South has in fact changed since W.J. Cash's 1941 version, far too many Americans, in the Deep South and elsewhere, still treat African American citizens as lesser beings. </p>
ID: 153973
Uid: 78565
Author: 38
Category: 0
Title: If We Go to War in Korea Trump's Poll Numbers Almost Certainly Would Go Up
Source:
Body: <center> <iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/bwsTM6dMeCs" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe> </center><p></p><p> </p><div><em><br></em></div><em><div><em><br></em></div>Rick Shenkman is the publisher of the History News Network and the author of <a href="http://stoneagebrain.com" target="_hplink">Political Animals:&nbsp; How Our Stone-Age Brain Gets in the Way of Smart Politics </a>(Basic Books, January 2016). You can <a href="https://twitter.com/rickshenkman" target="_hplink">follow</a> him on Twitter. He blogs at <a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/author/38" target="_hplink">stoneagebrain.</a></em><p></p><p> </p><p>Liberals are convinced Donald Trump will either be driven out of office or at the very least be fired by the voters at the next election three and a half years from now.&nbsp; But there’s a plausible scenario that ends with his re-election.&nbsp; Surprisingly, it involves Korea, which everybody, liberals and conservatives alike, seems to regard as a disaster in the making.&nbsp;</p> <p>How could a second Korean War help keep Donald Trump in the White House for another four years?</p> <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Political-Animals-Stone-Age-Brain-Politics/dp/0465033008/ref=asap_bc?ie=UTF8 "><img src="/sites/default/files/160130-PA-shenkman-sm.png" "="" style="float:left;margin:15px;"></a> <p>It’s well known that North Korea has assembled a ferocious war machine on the Demilitarized Zone (DMZ) that would unleash unholy hell on the South Korean capital, Seoul, which lies just twenty-five miles away, in the event of an American attack.&nbsp; North Korea is <a href="http://nationalinterest.org/blog/the-buzz/could-north-korea-annihilate-seoul-its-artillery-20345">estimated</a> to have positioned literally thousands of heavy artillery just north of the DMZ.&nbsp; Experts predict the city’s downtown could be demolished and tens of thousands could be killed and maybe more. Seoul, a modern gleaming city home to 25 million people, could be left in shambles.&nbsp;</p> <p>This sounds like a disaster, and in human terms it would be.&nbsp; But the politics of a disaster like this are more favorable than many people imagine.&nbsp; While the world would look on aghast at what had happened the American people almost certainly wouldn’t if&nbsp; –&nbsp; and this is the big IF in this scenario&nbsp; –&nbsp; war is accompanied by the quick collapse of the North Korean regime and the reunification of the peninsula under a friendly government.&nbsp;</p> <p>No doubt Trump would have trouble drawing the support of a majority of Democrats, many of whom loath the man.&nbsp; But George W. Bush was loathed too after his disputed election and yet he won over converts after 9-11, with the <a href="http://www.gallup.com/poll/116500/presidential-approval-ratings-george-bush.aspx">approval</a> of 90 percent of the American people.&nbsp; In a crisis people tend to support their leader no matter how much they previously abhorred him.&nbsp; That’s human nature.&nbsp; Trump could count on that basic human impulse.</p> <p>Trump might not be able to sustain his high ratings.&nbsp; After George H.W. Bush achieved the highest poll <a href="http://www.gallup.com/interactives/185273/presidential-job-approval-center.aspx">numbers</a> of any president in history save for his son’s post 9-11 record, his popularity slowly fell and in 1992 he lost his bid for a second term. &nbsp;And Americans throughout history have often turned against the wars their leaders have started. &nbsp;As social scientist Hazel Erskine showed in an <a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/14857">article</a> in 1970 only a single war in our history won the approval of an overwhelming majority of voters (World War 2). &nbsp;But Americans have been so starved for victory in the last generation and so fed-up with wars that never seem to end that they might well reward Trump with a second term.&nbsp; Trump promised victory as a candidate.&nbsp; If he delivered in Korea he’d likely win, unpleasant as that prospect might be to liberals. His core supporters are already <a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/08/11/us/republicans-trump-north-korea.html?hp&amp;action=click&amp;pgtype=Homepage&amp;clickSource=story-heading&amp;module=b-lede-package-region&amp;region=top-news&amp;WT.nav=top-news">cheering</a> his bellicose rhetoric. &nbsp;(If Trump doesn't deliver he risks alienating them, as I have previously <a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/153939">pointed</a> out on HNN.)</p> <p>Is Trump himself likely to risk war in order to save his political skin?&nbsp; With any other president it would require cynicism in the extreme to think that this might be the case.&nbsp; But not with Trump, who’s proven to be the equal of any monster cynics could conjure up. I suspect he may have convinced himself that a war would save him from indictment and/or impeachment.&nbsp; Maybe it would. Both Robert Mueller and Congress would be reluctant to weaken a president in the middle of a war. &nbsp;</p> <p>If you think the American people would be revolted by the scenes of carnage that no doubt would be a staple in daily news reports about the war&nbsp; –&nbsp; real carnage, not the rhetorical kind Trump alluded to in his over-the-top and obscene fire-and-brimstone inaugural&nbsp; –&nbsp; think again.&nbsp; We’ve been here before and that’s not what happened.&nbsp;</p> <p>After the Korean War had dragged on for several years following the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950, liberal pundits like Freda Kirchwey, the crusading editor of the <i>Nation</i>, were appalled at the devastation United States forces were wrecking.&nbsp; Though the enemy was also to blame, she complained, nothing “excuses the terrible shambles created up and down the Korean peninsula by the American-led forces, by American planes raining down napalm and fire bombs, and by heavy land and naval artillery.”&nbsp;</p> <p>But to her shock and amazement, the American people didn’t seem to care about what was happening on the ground.&nbsp; What they wanted was victory, period.&nbsp; Not even the use of nuclear weapons was considered off-the-table. Going into the war, as I report in <a href="http://stoneagebrain.com"><i>Political Animals:&nbsp; How Our Stone-Age Brain Gets in the Way of Smart Politics</i></a>, a Pentagon study found that what Americans would be appalled at was <i>not</i> using nuclear weapons if it were determined that by using them we could shorten the war.&nbsp;</p> <p>Freda Kirchwey was stunned that Americans seemed inured to the violence and destruction, but remained convinced that once the stories got out public opinion would change.&nbsp; She was wrong.&nbsp; The longer the war went on the less the public cared about what was happening to the Korean people.&nbsp; All Americans wanted was for the war to end on their terms.&nbsp; When the Pentagon adopted a policy of mass and relentless bombing voters backed it.</p> <p>What would make Americans cringe?&nbsp; It wouldn’t be the death of Asians.&nbsp; It wouldn’t even be, contrary to the conventional wisdom, the death of Americans. As social scientists have <a href="(If%20China%20intervenes%20on%20the%20side%20of%20North%20Korea%20the%20war%20could%20drag%20on%20in%20a%20horrific%20repeat%20of%20the%20first%20Korean%20War.%20%20But%20China%20might%20be%20persuaded%20to%20remain%20neutral%20if%20given%20private%20assurances%20that%20following%20the%20peace%20the%20United%20States%20would%20agree%20to%20withdraw%20from%20the%20peninsula,%20one%20of%20China%E2%80%99s%20longterm%20goals.)">discovered</a> the American people have a higher tolerance for casualties than their generals. What the public won’t put up with for long is a war with heavy casualties that goes on and on. &nbsp;</p> <p>So yes, Donald Trump could start a war in Korea that would leave tens of thousands dead and the American people could well think this was alright as long as in the end we won and the casualties were mainly suffered by Asians.&nbsp; I doubt that National Security Advisor (and historian) H.R. McMaster is worried about Trump’s falling poll numbers, but Trump is.&nbsp; And while he may know nothing about history and almost certainly hasn’t spent time thinking about the public reaction to the Korean War in the 1950s, his gut probably is telling him that war could improve his political prospects. He’d probably be right about that.</p> <p>This isn’t because the American people are monsters.&nbsp; It’s because they’re human.&nbsp; And human beings don’t generally respond with empathy to the misfortunes of people living on the other side of the world.&nbsp; Though there are ways to trigger feelings of empathy for strangers by using stories and pictures to good effect, there’s little reason to expect these would have the desired impact in the course of a hot war.&nbsp; Forty plus years after the end of the Vietnam War Americans still don’t see what happened there from the Vietnamese perspective.&nbsp; What we remember is our loss and our pain. &nbsp;</p> <p>There are two other factors that could affect the politics of a second Korean War.&nbsp; One is what China would do. Were China to <a href="http://www.reuters.com/article/us-northkorea-missiles-china-media-idUSKBN1AR005">intervene</a> on the side of North Korea the war could drag on in a horrific repeat of the first Korean War.&nbsp; But China might be persuaded to remain neutral if given private assurances that following the peace the United States would agree to withdraw from the peninsula, meeting one of China’s longterm goals.</p> <p>The other is whether the U.S. employs nuclear weapons.&nbsp; While Trump seems <a href="http://time.com/4437089/donald-trump-nuclear-weapons-nukes/">unafraid</a> to use nuclear weapons and has hinted in the past week that he would indeed resort to their use in Korea&nbsp; –&nbsp; that’s the dark warning carried in his “fire and fury” remarks&nbsp; –&nbsp; it’s unlikely he could actually order their use without blowback from the military.&nbsp; That would no doubt lead to public debate&nbsp; –&nbsp; the last thing a president wants in the middle of a war.</p><p>Will Trump take us to war? &nbsp;There's no way to answer this question. &nbsp;Who knows what's going on inside our president's head? &nbsp;Nor do we know (because it's not knowable) if we go to war whether we'll be in a position to win a clear victory. &nbsp;But it's possible the answer is yes (though it's just one possible scenario). &nbsp;And that's worth keeping in mind when calculating the chances that Donald J. Trump could be re-elected president of the United States of America. &nbsp;I know that's disturbing. &nbsp;Sorry.&nbsp;</p><br>