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ID: 153951
Uid: 16
Author: 32
Category: 0
Title: David Henderson on MacLean's "Democracy in Chains."
Source: Econlib
Body: More (this time from David Henderson) on MacLean's <a href="http://econlog.econlib.org/archives/2017/06/nancy_macleans.html">framing of quotations</a>&nbsp;(from James Buchanan) in <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Chains-History-Radical-Stealth/dp/1101980966">Democracy in Chains:</a><br><p style="margin: 0px 0px 1em; padding-top: 0.7em; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;">My Econlib colleague Russ Roberts&nbsp;<a href="https://medium.com/@russroberts/nancy-maclean-owes-tyler-cowen-an-apology-e6277ee75eb3" style="text-decoration-line: none; border: none; color: rgb(109, 109, 13); font-weight: bold;">has pointed</a>&nbsp;to a passage of Nancy MacLean's recent book,&nbsp;<em>Democracy in Chains: A Deep History of the Radical Right's Stealth Plan for America</em>, in which Professor MacLean left key words out of a quote from Tyler Cowen, thus seriously distorting his meaning.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 1em; padding-top: 0.7em; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;">A Facebook friend, Christopher Fleming, has pointed out that she has done the same thing with a quote from James Buchanan, the main player in her book. See if you can tell the difference between what he says and what she claims he says.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 1em; padding-top: 0.7em; color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;">Here's Buchanan, unedited, from "Why I, Too, Am Not a Conservative":<br></p><blockquote style="margin: 1em 0px 1.5em; padding: 0.2em 1.5em 0.5em; background-color: rgb(242, 242, 227); border-top: 1px solid rgb(222, 222, 197); border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(222, 222, 197); color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;">The classical liberal is necessarily vulnerable to the charge that he lacks compassion in behavior toward fellow human beings - a quality that may describe the conservative position, along with others that involve paternalism on any grounds. George W. Bush's "compassionate conservatism" can be articulated and defended as a meaningful normative stance. The comparable term "compassionate classical liberalism" would approach oxymoronic classification. There is no halfway house here; other persons are to be treated as natural equals, deserving of equal respect and individually responsible for their actions, or they are to be treated as subordinate members of the species, akin to that accorded animals who are dependent. In a very early comment, Dennis Mueller noted that there was nothing in the Rawlsian principles of justice that would condemn a person for beating his dog. Nor should there have been. The Rawlsian discourse was strictly within the classical liberal framework, with natural equality among persons remaining a basic presupposition of the whole enterprise.</blockquote><br style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;">Now here's how Professor MacLean states it:</span><br style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;"><blockquote style="margin: 1em 0px 1.5em; padding: 0.2em 1.5em 0.5em; background-color: rgb(242, 242, 227); border-top: 1px solid rgb(222, 222, 197); border-bottom: 1px solid rgb(222, 222, 197); color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;">Koch learned as a young adult, from his mentor Baldy Harper, that "the great social problem of our age is that of designing the preventive medicine that will stop the eroding of liberty in the body politic." Harper warned that "once the disease has advanced, a bitter curative medicine is required to gain already-lost liberty." James Buchanan revealed just how bitter the medicine would be. People who failed to foresee and save money for their future needs, Buchanan wrote in 2005, "are to be treated as subordinate members of the species, akin to . . . animals who are dependent."</blockquote><br style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;"><span style="color: rgb(51, 51, 51); font-family: verdana; font-size: 12.8px;">In short, she has taken the two options Buchanan laid out, in a passage in which, from context it is clear that he favors the first option--treating people as "natural equals"--and has rejected the second option--treating people as "subordinate members of the species"--and, without even mentioning the first option, she asserts that he favors the second option. This is either incredibly sloppy or incredibly dishonest. How likely is it that it's just sloppy?</span>
ID: 153952
Uid: 78576
Author: 32
Category: 0
Title: How Nancy MacLean Went Whistlin’ Dixie
Source:
Body: <p style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153952-153952-Davidson-Maclean.jpg "></p><p style="text-align: center;">Excerpted from Nancy MacLean's <i>Democracy in Chains</i></p><p><b>Related Links</b></p><p>●&nbsp;<a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/166404">&nbsp;Nancy MacLean’s new book "Democracy in Chains" is under attack from the right</a></p><p>●&nbsp;<a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/153960">Nancy MacLean's Segregationist Sins of Omission and Commission </a>By Phillip Magness</p><p><b>HNN Editor:&nbsp; Two weeks ago we invited Nancy MacLean to provide a response to this post before placing it on the HNN homepage. &nbsp;We received no response.</b></p><p><i>This post on the Liberty &amp; Power blog is by Phillip Magness, who teaches economics at&nbsp;Berry College.</i></p><p> If you read Duke University historian Nancy MacLean's new book&nbsp;<i><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Democracy-Chains-History-Radical-Stealth/dp/1101980966">Democracy in Chains:&nbsp;The Deep History of the Radical Right's Stealth Plan for America</a></i>, you will probably come away thinking that the late economist James M. Buchanan believed himself to be something of an intellectual heir to&nbsp;the Vanderbilt&nbsp;Agrarians of the 1930s. According to MacLean, these now-obscure southern literary figures were a main reason Buchanan wanted to go to Vanderbilt University.</p><p>Even though Buchanan's family ultimately could not afford to send him to the prestigious university,&nbsp;MacLean claims that Buchanan owed these men a direct intellectual debt. They allegedly "stamped his vision of the good society and the just state." &nbsp;One of the Agrarians in particular, she claims, had a&nbsp;"decisive" influence on&nbsp;"Jim Buchanan's emerging intellectual system" - the poet Donald Davidson.</p><p>MacLean has a very specific reason for making this claim, and she returns to it at multiple points in her book. The Agrarians, in addition to spawning a southern literary revival (the novelist Robert Penn Warren was one of their members), were also segregationists. By connecting them to Buchanan, she bolsters one of the primary charges of her book: an attempt to link Buchanan's economic theories to a claimed resentment over&nbsp;Brown v. Board and the subsequent defeat of racial segregation in 1960s Virginia.</p><p>MacLean's argument presents a challenge. Buchanan wrote very little on&nbsp;Brown or the ensuing school desegregation, and the archival evidence she presents from his papers is both thin and far short of the smoking gun she implies it to be. Instead, she sets out to strengthen her portrayal of Buchanan as a segregationist by tying him to other known segregationists. The Agrarians, and specifically Davidson, serve this purpose in her narrative by becoming formative intellectual influences on Buchanan.</p><p>There's a problem with MacLean's story though: it appears to be completely made up.</p><p>Her footnotes to the passages on the Agrarians don't actually check out, and the Davidson link in particular appears to be a figment of her own imagination. I'll walk through the sources in detail, starting with the passage where Davidson appears:</p><p style="text-align: center;"><a href="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Davidson-Maclean.jpg"><img src="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Davidson-Maclean-300x140.jpg" alt="Davidson-Maclean-300x140.jpg"></a></p> <p></p><p> MacLean's purpose here is to identify Davidson as the font for one of Buchanan's most frequently enlisted concepts from his academic work - the all-powerful Leviathan state. Of course most students of political philosophy will automatically recognize that this metaphor is a famous one. It derives from the 17th century English philosopher Thomas Hobbes, as MacLean begrudgingly concedes. But Buchanan's version of the Leviathan is different, she contends - a product of Davidson's "new and distinctive" use to describe a northern-dominated post-Civil War federal government and thus a code-word for racially tinged "states rights" and other nefarious purposes.&nbsp;</p><p>There's another problem with MacLean's evidence. Donald Davidson's name does not appear anywhere in Buchanan's academic works. The massive 20 volume&nbsp;<a href="http://oll.libertyfund.org/titles/buchanan-the-collected-works-of-james-m-buchanan-in-20-vols">Collected Works of James Buchanan&nbsp;is searchable online</a>. It contains most of his major books and papers and it does not yield a single hit for the name. Thomas Hobbes, by contrast, is one of the most frequently discussed figures&nbsp;in Buchanan's works according to the index:</p><p></p><div style="text-align: center;">&nbsp;&nbsp;<a href="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Hobbes-Buchanan.jpg"><img src="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/Hobbes-Buchanan.jpg" alt="Hobbes-Buchanan.jpg"></a></div> <p></p><p> MacLean nonetheless presses ahead with her invented connection and attempts to tar Buchanan with a litany of vices from the Agrarians: sympathy with the Confederacy, voter suppression, and racial animosity toward African-Americans. These and other charges may be seen in the passage below from MacLean, including a quotation that she claims to show Buchanan's endorsement of the Agrarians' vision:</p><p style="text-align: center;"> <a href="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/MacLean-Agrarians.jpg"><img src="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/MacLean-Agrarians-300x136.jpg" alt="MacLean-Agrarians-300x136.jpg"></a>&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p> This passage points us to footnote 12 for the chapter for a list of its sources, which - again - purportedly link Buchanan to this literary group in ways that reflect&nbsp;all the aforementioned claims and charges. Except that's not what the reader actually finds in footnote 12, or any of its neighboring notes on the Agrarians... </p><p style="text-align: center;"> <a href="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/footnote12.jpg"><img src="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/footnote12-300x113.jpg" alt="footnote12-300x113.jpg"></a>&nbsp; </p><p> Along with the citations to a couple Agrarian tracts, what we find instead is a fairly boilerplate list of secondary literature on 20th century racism and its links to the Agrarians. The only reference to Buchanan at all is not an archival source but rather a citation to page 126 of his autobiography,&nbsp;<i>Better than Plowing</i>.&nbsp;Not recalling any passages that would support what MacLean claims here about the Agrarians, I turned to Buchanan's autobiography to check the reference. The page appears below and consists of a single passing reference to the Southern Agrarians having been influenced by Thomas Jefferson's famous concept of the yeoman farmer. </p><p style="text-align: center;"> <a href="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/buchanan-agrarians.jpg"><img src="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/06/buchanan-agrarians-300x136.jpg" alt="buchanan-agrarians-300x136.jpg"></a></p><p> That's it. There are no references to Donald Davidson. No segregationist visions, or pining over the Confederacy. No claims about wanting to study with the Agrarians at Vanderbilt. No intellectual nods to them at all, aside from a brief factual statement that they espoused a well known Jeffersonian argument about the agricultural lifestyle. </p><p> MacLean's book has&nbsp;<a href="https://medium.com/@russroberts/nancy-maclean-owes-tyler-cowen-an-apology-e6277ee75eb3">already caught some flak for factual misrepresentations</a>&nbsp;of her sources. In this case she appears to have simply made up an inflammatory association and tacked it onto Buchanan in an effort to paint him as a racist. When scrutinized though in her own sources, it becomes quickly apparent that she has no actual evidence to sustain her many detailed and specific claims. When one actually searches for the link and checks her sources, it quickly becomes apparent that there is none. In fact, one could legitimately note that there are more references to the pro-segregation Vanderbilt Agrarians <a href="http://fds.duke.edu/db/aas/history/faculty/nm71/files/cv.pdf">on Nancy MacLean's own CV</a> than in the entire Collected Works of James M. Buchanan.</p>
ID: 153953
Uid: 16
Author: 32
Category: 0
Title: We Win Screenwriting Contest (T.R.M. Howard Historical Film)
Source: Alabama Writers Conclave
Body: <div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="crl8e" data-offset-key="74hd9-0-0" style="font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; color: rgb(29, 33, 41); font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: pre-wrap; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-color: initial;"><div data-offset-key="74hd9-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj" style="position: relative; white-space: pre-wrap; direction: ltr; text-align: left; font-family: inherit;"><span data-offset-key="74hd9-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"><span data-text="true" style="font-family: inherit;"><img src="http://uanews.ua.edu/wp-content/uploads/2009/08/liondesk1.jpg">Our screenplay (co-authored by Linda Royster Beito), "Keepin' It Mighty Hot," which focuses on T.R.M. Howard's role in the Emmett Till case, won first prize the 2017 Screenwriting Competition of the Alabama Writers Conclave. </span></span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="crl8e" data-offset-key="a2dq2-0-0" style="font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; color: rgb(29, 33, 41); font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: pre-wrap; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-color: initial;"><div data-offset-key="a2dq2-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj" style="position: relative; white-space: pre-wrap; direction: ltr; text-align: left; font-family: inherit;"><span data-offset-key="a2dq2-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"><br data-text="true"></span></div></div><div class="" data-block="true" data-editor="crl8e" data-offset-key="7ajgr-0-0" style="font-family: Helvetica, Arial, sans-serif; color: rgb(29, 33, 41); font-size: 14px; font-style: normal; font-variant-ligatures: normal; font-variant-caps: normal; font-weight: normal; letter-spacing: normal; orphans: 2; text-align: start; text-indent: 0px; text-transform: none; white-space: pre-wrap; widows: 2; word-spacing: 0px; -webkit-text-stroke-width: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255); text-decoration-style: initial; text-decoration-color: initial;"><div data-offset-key="7ajgr-0-0" class="_1mf _1mj" style="position: relative; white-space: pre-wrap; direction: ltr; text-align: left; font-family: inherit;"><span data-offset-key="7ajgr-0-0" style="font-family: inherit;"><span data-text="true" style="font-family: inherit;">The Conclave is one of the oldest writers' organizations in the United States, and probably the leading one in the state, and supports aspiring writers and artists. The picture shows Howard getting crowned "king of the party" by Jesse Owens.</span></span></div></div>
ID: 153954
Uid: 292
Author: 11
Category: 0
Title: On Dealing with Serious Problems
Source:
Body: <p><i>Sociologist James W. Loewen is the author of&nbsp;<a href="http://www.amazon.com/Lies-My-Teacher-Told-Everything/dp/0743296281">Lies My Teacher Told Me</a>.</i></p><p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Recently I had cause to contemplate some basic issues of human life. Exactly what spurred me to do so is idiosyncratic and does not concern me here. My point rather is to try to present to you how classical music can play a role in helping us process whatever we face.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Not just I have relied on classical music in this way. A favorite poet of mine, Edna St. Vincent Millay, wrote a sonnet, "On Hearing a Symphony by Beethoven," that captures the thought:</p><p><i>Sweet sounds, oh, beautiful music, do not cease!&nbsp;<br>Reject me not into the world again.&nbsp;<br>With you alone is excellence and peace,&nbsp;<br>Mankind made plausible, his purpose plain&nbsp;<br>....&nbsp;<br>Music my rampart, and my only one.</i></p><p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;Now, I must quickly note that music is not&nbsp;<i>my</i>&nbsp;only rampart. Nature is another, even more important. Poetry is a third. The romantic U.S. poet, William Cullen Bryant, combined these two in "Thanatopsis." Please pardon Bryant's use of "him" and "his" for the protagonist; after all he does atone by using "she" and "her" for Nature, the central force in the piece. The poem begins:</p><p><i>To him who in the love of Nature holds&nbsp;<br>Communion with her visible forms, she speaks&nbsp;<br>A various language; for his gayer hours&nbsp;<br>She has a voice of gladness, and a smile&nbsp;<br>And eloquence of beauty, and she glides&nbsp;<br>Into his darker musings, with a mild&nbsp;<br>And healing sympathy, that steals away&nbsp;<br>Their sharpness, ere he is aware.</i></p><p>Those lines, combined with various spots on the surface of the earth special to me, have relieved at least the sharpest edge of my pain when I faced such past misfortunes as divorce and separation from my young children. The spots need not be all that special — I'm not talkin' Yosemite here. Just a turn in a brook will do, or a certain tree, small, misshapen, yet sturdy.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The title means contemplation of death. I learned that only while researching this essay, and the poem now turns to death, but we shall leave it at this point. My recent problem was not impending death or thoughts thereof, and the relief I found was not in nature or poetry but in music.&nbsp;</p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153954-jim.png"></p><p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;I turned to Anton Bruckner, composer of nine symphonies between 1863 and 1896, specifically to his massive Symphony #8, perhaps the longest purely orchestral symphony ever written. It lasts about an hour and a half, depending upon the conductor.</p><p><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;My own introduction to the piece came via what we then called "LPs" — "long-playing records," now "vinyl." Each side of these twelve-inch disks usually lasts twenty to thirty minutes, so Bruckner's Eighth occupied two disks. In those days (1963!), important new recordings of classical music were not only reviewed in specialty magazines (<i>High Fidelity, HiFi/Stereo Review, Stereophile</i>) but also in newspapers. I asked the music critic of the&nbsp;<i>Chicago Sun-Times</i>, Robert C. Marsh, for his advice about the best recording of Bruckner's Eighth, and he wrote back to recommend the old monaural set by the famed Concertgebouw Orchestra of Amsterdam under Edward Van Beinum. I bought it and still play it, but for you I shall recommend a newer CD version.</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Two or three years later I heard it live, played by the Chicago Symphony Orchestra under visiting conductor Rafael Kubelik. That concert remains one of the most memorable I've ever attended. Let me tell you why.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Craig, my best friend from high school, was with me. I think we were in Chicago en route home from Harvard, where I was getting a Ph.D. in sociology and Craig was finishing his B.A. in astronomy. We had arranged to meet up with his parents. Time has obscured the details of all this. I do remember that my suggestion to hear the symphony carried the day. I also recall that Craig and I got very cheap tickets in the student balcony, nosebleed seats from which it seemed we could see down into the bassoon. Mr. and Mrs. Chester paid much more for their seats, but when it came time to go into the auditorium, theirs were just four rows ahead of us, in the same high balcony!</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; I knew what to expect; they did not. The symphony was the only work on the program. The Chicago Symphony played wonderfully. It was then perhaps the best orchestra in the world, certainly the most precise. The work begins quietly but soon leads to an orchestral climax. Climaxes then alternate with hushed suspense. After a quarter hour, the movement ends quietly but with some grandeur.</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; I'm sure some listeners can grow anxious along the way, because the structure is not obvious. That is, it contains no "passagework," no repeats, no traditional A-B-A form as found in symphonies from early Haydn through Beethoven. Instead, Bruckner builds it from shorter passages, often separated by pauses. It is as if he is thinking, "All right, I just told you something important. Now I'm going to tell you something else important." The more important the thought, the longer the pause.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Listening at home, I suggest you play the symphony all the way through without stopping, letting Bruckner make the impact he can upon you. Try not to do anything else while listening, however, such as writing this essay (sigh!).</p><p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;The second movement, scherzo, is faster. Again, it is a quarter hour long, and again, quieter passages lead to grand climaxes with kettle drums. It comes to a firm resolution, but as is the case with all symphonic movements before the final one, some unresolved tension is supposed to linger, and here we find no exception.</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The two final movements each last nearly half an hour. The slow movement begins almost statically, with a single chord, which Bruckner then repeats. He seems very assured — as if he knows he has your undivided attention and will now use it to provide you some very calm moments.<a href="#_ftn1">[1]</a>&nbsp;It has passages charged with loveliness that I find very meaningful, but it is again not clear exactly how they build. The movement has climaxes, but these are lovelier, rather than simply louder, and only the harp quite reaches their apogees. It was at these moments in Chicago that I started to hear something I have never otherwise heard at any classical music concert, and only once or twice at any venue: soft gasps from people so moved by the music that they did not know they were reacting audibly. The movement ends softly, as it began.</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The final movement begins grandly with a brass climax leading to four majestic blows on the tympani.<a href="#_ftn2">[2]</a>&nbsp;These blows can be life-changing: years ago, I read about a very successful lawyer or banker in New York City who, having heard them, determined he would conduct the symphony. After years of study and planning, he hired an orchestra, rented Carnegie Hall (I think), and did! As with the first two movements, there are repeated brass climaxes. In Chicago I looked down with amazement as the face of Adolph Herseth, the symphony's first-chair trumpeter, turned pink and then crimson, playing them. Again, immediately after some of these climaxes, soft gasps ricocheted about the hall.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;Near the end of the movement, with the orchestra otherwise still, two soft short kettle drum rolls signal somehow to the listener that Bruckner is now going to tie everything together. Extraordinarily, he does. The finale references many of the motifs from all four movements, somehow connecting them into a climax so grand that at its end I conclude, as I do when I think about Labrador Retrievers, "Well, humankind cannot be all bad; we did produce that!"</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; James Agee surely never heard much Bruckner. Long-playing record sets were still rare when he died in 1955, and American orchestral performances of Bruckner became commonplace only in the 1960s. Certainly he never mentioned Bruckner in his famous instructions on how to listen to serious classical music, found near the beginning of&nbsp;<i>Let Us Now Praise Famous Men</i>, written in 1936-37. However, I'm sure they apply equally to Bruckner's Eighth.&nbsp;</p><blockquote style="margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><p>Get a radio or a phonograph capable of the most extreme loudness possible, and sit down to listen to a performance of Beethoven's Seventh Symphony or of Schubert's C-Major Symphony (#9). But I don't mean just sit down and listen. I mean this: Turn it on as loud as you can get it. Then get down on the floor and jam your ear as close into the loudspeaker as you can get it, and stay there, breathing as lightly as possible, and not moving, and neither eating nor smoking nor drinking. Concentrate everything you can into your hearing and into your body.<a href="#_ftn3">[3]</a></p></blockquote></blockquote><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p>On the next page, Agee goes on to write a passage that resides, for some reason, inside single quotation marks:</p><blockquote style="margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="margin: 0px 0px 0px 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><p>'Beethoven said a thing as rash and noble as the best of his work. By my memory, he said: "He who understands my music can never know unhappiness again." I believe it....'</p></blockquote></blockquote><p><br></p><p>Beethoven did write something like that, variously translated. Like Bruckner, some Beethoven can help one deal with whatever life visits upon you. Lenin even said that Beethoven's music was dangerous because it made him want to be kinder to his fellow human beings! Hitler also loved Beethoven (and Bruckner), so I make no claim that having either Beethoven or Bruckner by one's side necessarily makes one a better human being. It does me, though.</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; What is the meaning of Bruckner's Eighth? It is deep classical music — indeed, the deepest. It is not program music, like, say, Scheherazade, portraying a ship in storm and other images. It's ineffable — so you cannot expect me to eff it for you. Maybe it says, "It is all right." Or, at least, "It will be all right." As the Beatles put it, "There will be an answer; let it be." (Though Bruckner does not move me — or Hitler or Lenin! — toward passivity.)&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; My program for you is that after you have played the symphony all the way through, you play just the slow movement, with its utterly calm beginning. Play it at least twice more. My friend Craig (yes, we're still friends) thinks you need to know a piece well enough that you know what is coming next, so you can sort of "hum along" mentally, before it can work its magic on you. The CD set by the Berlin Philharmonic conducted by Daniel Barenboim is one reasonably good recording.<a href="#_ftn4">[4]</a>&nbsp;See if it reaches you.&nbsp;</p><p style="text-align: center;"><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span><img src=" /sites/default/files/153954-muisic.png"></p><p class="MsoNormal" align="center" style="text-align: center; line-height: 12pt;"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'Times New Roman';">Anton Bruckner identified completely with music. He was a choir boy in this monastery in&nbsp;</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 12pt;">St. Florian, Austria, then its organist in the 1850s, and chose to be buried under its organ.</span></p><p><br></p><p><span class="Apple-tab-span" style="white-space: pre;"> </span>Now, let me stop here for a word of caution: Bruckner's Eighth is not for everyone. It was not for Mrs. Chester, in Chicago. She had not heard what many of the rest of us had heard. No gasps from her. Instead, when we reunited on the street afterward, her first words were, "That was&nbsp;<i>so long!</i>"<a href="#_ftn1">[5]</a>&nbsp;Recently I played the beginning of the slow movement for one of my closest friends, an artist herself, with exquisite taste in painting and sculpture. She said, "It is as if someone were speaking to me very intensely and very sincerely but in a foreign language."&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; If you cannot get into this gargantuan work, at least not immediately, try this alternative: go to Spotify (or wherever you listen to new music) and play the "little slow movement," Adagietto, from Gustav Mahler's Fifth Symphony. It'll take less than ten minutes. Try it several times, paying attention. If that too makes no impact upon you, then maybe you'll want to seek solace in nature or poetry. Or maybe meditation or prayer will help in your moment of need.</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; My final advice: do it now. That is, learn how to pray or meditate now. Or find your own sacred spot in nature now. Memorize the poetry most important to you now. Or perhaps, learn what pieces of music reach you deeply now.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Then you will have the resources when you need them. And when that time comes, know that you have my best wishes, and maybe Anton Bruckner's as well.&nbsp;</p><p><br></p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[1]Bruckner's assurance is inferable in other ways, such as the sheer length of many of his works. But he was also insecure, as various stories about him attest. He never received the audience response his works deserved and sometimes struggled just to get them played at all.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[2]I need to note that the Symphony exists in different editions. Many Bruckner symphonies do. Usually the last draft shows a composer's intentions best, but with Bruckner we cannot be sure. Owing to his insecurity, mentioned in the earlier note, an important conductor or critic might persuade him to make changes to which he would acquiesce, perhaps to get the work played at all, even though he might really have preferred the original.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The final movement of Symphony #8 then builds immediately to a second brass climax and, in its original version, to a second, very different, tympani blast. In the revised versions, the second brass climax is not followed by tympani. I prefer the original, as did von Beinem. But it's not worth getting into a snit about.&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[3]Recall that in 1936, many "Victrola" phonographs did not even use electricity. Agee's contortions were necessary, to get adequate volume. I don't suggest that you turn a modern system to peak volume — not if you value your neighbors or your eardrums!&nbsp;</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[4]At least you can hear the soft tympani strokes near the very end of the work; these are almost inaudible in some recordings. It also does contain the second tympani blast at the start of the final movement, mentioned in a previous note.</p><p><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; font-size: 10pt; letter-spacing: -0.1pt;">&nbsp; &nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;<span style="font-size: larger;">[5] Of course, that was her first hearing of it.&nbsp;</span></span></p><p>Copyright James W. Loewen</p>
ID: 153955
Uid: 341
Author: 40
Category: 0
Title: We Really Could Use Ronald Reagan and Mikhail Gorbachev Now
Source:
Body: <p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153955-gorby.png"></p><p><i>This is Murray Polner's blog. He is the author of "No Victory Parades: The Return of the Vietnam Veteran," co-authored with Thomas Woods Jr., "We Who Dared Say No To War" and &nbsp;"Disarmed and Dangerous: The Radical Lives and Times of Daniel &amp; Philip Berrigan" (</i><i>with Jim O'Grady).</i></p> <p>Since they lost the election Democrats have been searching for reasons, any reasons, which might explain why someone like Donald Trump could defeat Hillary, their prematurely crowned Queen. Now the Party lies in a state of shock, an empty shell clinging to hatred for Trump and his alleged pal, Vladimir Putin, and hoping and praying for an impeachment.</p> <p>Their verbal denunciations about Russian meddling in our 2016 election are common. "This past election, our country was attacked. We were attacked by Russia," said Democratic Rep. Eric Swalwell of California." A similar sentiment was expressed by California Democratic Rep. Jackie Speier, who declared Russia's interference was "an act of war, an act of hybrid warfare." Other Democrats like New Jersey's Rep. Bonnie Watson called it "a form of war on our fundamental democratic principles." </p> <p>Where once many Democrats supported detente with Moscow and challenged the Domino Theory's flawed faith that the Reds were always behind everything wicked (leading the U.S., as many of us seem to have forgotten, directly into Korea and Vietnam with millions of military and civilian dead) and backed arms negotiations to defuse tensions with its competitive nuclear giant, few Democrats today will dare do the same, terrified less they be accused of being soft on Putin and "national security"&nbsp;– and thus helping to join Putin's Russia in creating favorable soil for a potentially bloodier new Cold War.</p> <p>The views of a few nationally prominent skeptics are rarely critically examined. David Brooks, the <i>NY Times's </i>conservative columnist who loathes what Trump is doing to the remnant of his treasured Republican Party, wrote in anger in "Let's Not Get Carried Away": "There may be a giant revelation still to come. But as the Trump-Russia story has evolved, it is striking how little evidence there is that any underlying crime occurred &nbsp;– that there was any actual collusion between the Trump campaign and the official Russians. Everything seems to be leaking out of this administration, but so far the leaks about actual collusion are meager." He then added: "I'm not saying there shouldn't be an investigation into potential Russia-Trump links. Russia's attack on American democracy was truly heinous, and if the Trump people were involved, that would be treason.&nbsp; I'm saying first, let's not get ahead of ourselves and assume that this link exists."</p> <p>Three experienced CNN staffers recently resigned after their network retracted a story tying a Trump supporter to a Russian money fund supposedly facing a congressional inquiry, a story grounded on only one anonymous source. CNN also apologized to the pro-Trump backer. A <i>Washington Post</i> story blamed the Russians &nbsp;– who else? &nbsp;–&nbsp; for hacking into Burlington, Vermont's electrical grid. That, too, turned out to be untrue when the local electrical utility denied it had been hacked.</p> <p>We've also been repeatedly told that that all seventeen U.S. Intelligence agencies had established that Moscow had hacked our election. But on June 29, the <i>NY Times</i> printed a "Correction" admitting their error: "The assessment was made by four intelligence agencies &nbsp;– the Office of the Director of National Intelligence, the Central Intelligence Agency, the Federal Bureau of Investigation and the National Security Agency.&nbsp; The assessment was <i>not </i>[my italics] approved by all 17 organizations in the American intelligence community."</p> <p>And more: When the Syrian dictator Bashar al-Assad, Russia's ally, supposedly ordered Khan Sheikhoun bombed with Sarin nerve gas, and Trump immediately ordered a retaliatory missile attack on a Syrian military airfield, U.S. politicians and media, many Democrats included, rushed to praise Trump. Finally, they exulted, a positive Trump decision even if in a brutal, endless and utterly confusing multi-sided civil war. </p> <p>Assad had to be guilty or so apparently went their reasoning. Everyone but Seymour Hersh, the veteran investigative reporter, who had broken stories about My Lai and American torture of Iraqi prisoners. Hersh found no proof that Assad had used Sarin in Khan Sheikhdoun. I have no idea whether he is right or wrong but prestigious publications rejected his article until the <i>German Welt am Sonntag</i> ran the piece, a site few Americans would or could read.</p> <p>So, can't we wait until the Special Prosecutor, Robert Mueller, finishes his inquiry? And while I tend to think that Moscow did in fact carry out some Election '16 hanky panky (as illegal as so many U.S. interventions in so many countries for so many decades) in the end, if the <i>NY Times, Washington Post</i> and <i>et al.</i> are right there'll be prestigious awards for everyone. But if they're wrong, there'll be hell to pay, as when too many accepted the Tonkin Bay and WMD lies. </p> <p>Until then, can we please stop demonizing Vladimir Putin 24/7, and blaming him for all the world's ills? He is not the latest version of Josef Stalin. Instead, he has always reminded me of Konstantin Pobedonostsev, the Tsar's lay head of the Orthodox Church and chief advisor to Tsars Alexander III and Nicholas II. In my Foreword to an updated translation of his 1896 book, "Reflections of a Russian Statesman" I described Pobedonostsev as: "Reactionary, obscurantist, chauvinistic," someone who excommunicated Tolstoy from the Orthodox Church and harassed religious and ethnic minorities. Someone resembling Putin, at least in part. </p> <p>Fiona Hill, who was the top intelligence officer on Russia during George Bush I's administration, national intelligence officer for Russia and Eurasia at the National Intelligence Council and co-author of "Mr. Putin: Operative in the Kremlin" rightly put it this way, "[Putin is] not delusional, but he's inhabiting a Russia of the past, a version of the past that he has created. His present is defined by it and there is no coherent vision of the future." </p> <p>Like most world leaders today, including our own.</p> <p>And then there's the neocon <i>Weekly Standard's</i> Christopher Caldwell's nuanced speech at conservative Hillsdale College and his Claremont essay, both of which &nbsp;offered a portrait of Putin as an historically Tsarist Russian reactionary. His influences can be found in the writings of pre-communist and anti-Communist Russian philosophers, Ivan Ilyin, Vladimir Soloviev, Nikolai Berdyaev, even Alexander Solzhenitsyn. Caldwell asked if any of his American critics know that "he has made the reading of 'Gulag Archipelago' compulsory in secondary schools"?</p> <p>&nbsp;Putin's Russia, Caldwell added, is a country "moored between Orthodox Christianity and Machiavellian realism"&nbsp;– tied to Slavophilism and Old Russia, a nation with vivid memories of the Soviet Union's 24 million dead in WWII. He sees his job, Caldwell continued, as "Defending the interests of his people, the first of which is its independence. At this task he has succeeded against long odds. Since the Ukrainian revolution, this success has come at a considerable price in both diplomatic isolation and lost trade."&nbsp;</p> <p>But then the conservative Caldwell concludes with sentiments rarely heard here today:&nbsp; "We will understand nothing about Putin until we realize that, in the eyes of most of his countrymen, he has been right to pay it."&nbsp; </p> <p>Respect or trust him or not, we may one day need Russia to help resolve perilous, seemingly intractable problems in the Middle and Far East, perhaps even in Europe. Kissinger, nowadays more sensible than the current Washington crowd, wrote in 2014 that "demonization of Vladimir Putin is not a policy; it is an alibi for an absence of one."</p> <p>Mindless, out of control Putin-bashing, will only encourage and promote a new gang of demagogues here and abroad inflaming our latest and ominous Cold War while bringing us closer to nuclear war. </p> <p>The basic problem, as Thomas Woods and I wrote in our 2008 book "We Who Dared To Say No To War," is that there are few constraints on our devotion to global intervention. Our foreign policies are frozen, its &nbsp;fundamental assumptions barely challenged and regular provocations and threats of war, even nuclear war, seems normal. </p> <p>Danger ahead.&nbsp;</p>
ID: 153956
Uid: 31615
Author: 19
Category: 0
Title: Gay Equality is Coming Quickly
Source:
Body: <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Usually public opinion on important and emotional subjects shifts gradually. The realization that discrimination against African Americans and women was wrong came very slowly. For more than a century, Americans spoke out against sexism and racism. In the 19<sup>th</sup> century, they were considered radicals, advocating unpopular political positions against traditional beliefs in white male superiority. By the 20<sup>th</sup> century, opinion in America was split and some discriminatory laws were changed, but common practices based in prejudice persisted.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Only after World War II did majority public opinion shift away from entrenched discrimination, but even then progress was halting. The two Supreme Court decisions that declared school segregation (1954) and laws against mixed-race marriages (1967) unconstitutional were 13 years apart, and they were just way stations along a much longer journey toward equality. In both cases, defenders of discrimination used religious arguments to oppose equal treatment for blacks and women, citing Biblical verses written thousands of years ago to claim that God had declared the superiority of white men for all time.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Change comes more quickly in modern society, as we can see in the technological innovations which replace each other with bewildering rapidity. In 1999, Ray Kurzweil proposed the “The Law of Accelerating Returns”; he believed that change in a wide variety of evolutionary systems, including technology, would come with </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Accelerating_change"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">accelerated speed</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt">. We might see this “law” operating in the third great shift in public opinion about traditional discriminatory practices, the acceptance of homosexual people as normal and deserving of equal rights.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Data from the Pew Research Center shows a </span><a href="http://www.pewforum.org/fact-sheet/changing-attitudes-on-gay-marriage/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">dramatic recent shift</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> in American public opinion on same-sex marriage, which may be taken as an indicator of more general attitudes about homosexuality. After years of relative stability, in the last 8 years the proportion of Americans who oppose gay marriage dropped from 54% to 32%, as the number who favor it rose from 37% to 62%. That same amount of opinion shift on inter-racial marriage took about </span><a href="http://www.gallup.com/poll/28417/most-americans-approve-interracial-marriages.aspx"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">twice as long</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">The popular shift has been rapid, but not smooth. After Massachusetts became the first state to legalize same-sex marriage in 2003, 12 states passed constitutional amendments outlawing it in the next year alone, and eventually 30 states passed such </span><a href="http://www.cnn.com/2014/10/13/opinion/coontz-same-sex-marriage/index.html"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">backlash legislation</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt">. The Supreme Court decision in 2015 that rights guaranteed by the Constitution to all citizens included the </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Obergefell_v._Hodges"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">right to get married</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt"> came four years after support for same-sex marriage reached majority status.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Like many shifts in social attitudes, this was led by young people. The </span><a href="http://www.people-press.org/2017/06/26/same-sex-marriage-detailed-tables-2017/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">latest Pew survey</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt"> shows 18- to 29-year-olds against discrimination by 79% to 19%, while Americans over 72 remain opposed to this change by 49% to 41%. But every demographic group, whatever their attitudes were a few years ago, has shifted towards acceptance. Opposition remains concentrated among white evangelical Protestants, conservative Republicans, and the oldest Americans, groups which considerably overlap. Those who demonize their neighbors who have a different sexual orientation continue to use arguments derived from Christian tradition as justification.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">What caused this rapid shift in public opinion? When Pew asked why people had changed their minds, the most common answer was that </span><a href="http://www.people-press.org/2013/03/20/growing-support-for-gay-marriage-changed-minds-and-changing-demographics/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">they knew someone</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt"> who is homosexual. Visibility has been a significant factor in the increasing acceptance of gays in America. While race and gender are usually obvious, homosexuality was not.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">I grew up in an America where homosexuality was queer, meaning strange and unnatural. It was dangerous for a gay person to reveal their orientation, which could cost them their jobs. Homosexual relations were criminal across the country, until Illinois was the first state to </span><a href="https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/LGBT_history_in_the_United_States#1900-1965"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">decriminalize same-sex relations</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> in 1962. So I didn’t know any homosexuals. I, like most Americans, had no evidence from life experience that gay people were not as they were portrayed in medical practice (sick), in official propaganda (dangerous), and in common talk (weird).</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Over the course of 30 years, the proportion of Americans who said that someone they knew revealed to them that they were gay </span><a href="http://www.gallup.com/poll/162569/americans-gay-lesbian-orientation-birth-factor.aspx"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">rose</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> from 24% in 1985 to 75% in 2013. Since it is unlikely that the incidence of homosexuality has changed significantly, what did change was the realization that there are gay people in everyone’s social circle.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">The end of discrimination against homosexuality is determined by changing public opinion and political practice, which differ from country to country. Germany, in many ways more officially opposed to discrimination of all kinds than the US, just </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/06/30/world/europe/germany-gay-marriage.html?_r=0"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">legalized gay marriage</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> last week. A recent poll showed that 83% of Germans approved of same-sex marriage, much </span><a href="http://www.dw.com/en/germans-not-opposed-to-same-sex-marriage/a-37110913"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">higher than in the US</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">. But the politics of the conservative party, the Christian Democrats, who have led the government since 2005, prevented any vote on the issue until now.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Bigots will keep using religion as a cover for prejudice, as in the </span><a href="http://www.cnn.com/2016/04/06/us/religious-freedom-laws-why-now/index.html"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">so-called religious freedom laws.</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> But the shift toward acceptance of homosexuality will continue, as older opponents are replaced by younger advocates. Because our gay relatives and friends do not fit the prejudicial stereotypes, discriminatory impulses will lose their persuasive power. Happy birthday, America.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Steve Hochstadt</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Springbrook, WI</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Published in the Jacksonville Journal-Courier, July 4, 2017</span></p> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves/> <w:TrackFormatting/> <w:PunctuationKerning/> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:DoNotPromoteQF/> <w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther> <w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian> <w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript> <w:Compatibility> <w:BreakWrappedTables/> <w:SnapToGridInCell/> <w:WrapTextWithPunct/> <w:UseAsianBreakRules/> 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<w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Date"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text First Indent"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Note Heading"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text Indent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text Indent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Block Text"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Hyperlink"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" 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SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Cite"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Code"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Definition"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Keyboard"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Preformatted"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Sample"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Typewriter"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Variable"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Normal Table"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="annotation subject"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="No List"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Outline List 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Outline List 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Outline List 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Simple 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Simple 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Simple 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Classic 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Classic 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Classic 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Classic 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" 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Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" 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ID: 153957
Uid: 31615
Author: 19
Category: 0
Title: Why Americans Voted For Trump
Source:
Body: <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">I have been reading about why so many Americans voted for Trump. Simple ignorance is a partial answer. Many Medicaid recipients who voted for Trump <a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/health/archive/2017/02/why-did-medicaid-beneficiaries-vote-for-trump/517584/">did not know</a> that their benefits were due to the Democrats’ health care legislation that he vowed to repeal.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Some voters just <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/blogs/plum-line/wp/2017/05/01/why-did-trump-win-new-research-by-democrats-offers-a-worrisome-answer/?utm_term=.0017050e1790">believed Trump’s promises</a> to help Americans who suffered economically, even though there was no evidence in his history or the history of the Republican Party that he actually help cared about them. Many former Obama voters who switched to Trump thought that Democrats were more likely to enact policies that favored the wealthy. Now that we can see what Trump and congressional Republicans want to do about taxes and health care, it’s clear how wrong they were.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">But support for Trump is about more than ignorance or deluded hopes. An extensive analysis of white working-class voters, about one-third of Americans and a group who <a href="https://www.prri.org/research/white-working-class-attitudes-economy-trade-immigration-election-donald-trump">favored Trump by a 2-1 margin</a>, shows their unhappiness with today’s America. About two-thirds of them believe “American culture and way of life has deteriorated since the 1950s.” That time frame coincides with the civil rights and women’s movements that have shifted power away from traditionally dominant white men. They express this idea by saying that the US is losing its identity, that immigrants threaten American culture. They believe that America’s best days are in the past. No wonder Trump’s slogan about making America great again had such resonance.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Perhaps related to this pessimism about their country is a tendency to favor authoritarian leaders. A remarkable 56% of white working-class evangelical Protestants were rated as “high authoritarian”, another explanation for supporting Trump. An earlier survey confirms the <a href="https://www.psychologytoday.com/blog/freedom-learn/201702/childrearing-beliefs-were-best-predictor-trump-support">authoritarian tendencies of Trump voters</a>. People who wanted to raise their children to be “respectful, obedient, well-behaved and well-mannered” were much more likely to be Trump voters than those who wanted children to be “independent, self-reliant, considerate and curious”.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Although the views of the white working class are often labeled racist, I think this misses the mark. About half of them believe that discrimination against whites is as bad as discrimination against minorities, with older people even more sure of this idea. Nearly half of white working-class seniors believe that Christians face a lot of discrimination. This is nonsense, as shown by every study which actually compares treatment of white versus black. But it has this kernel of truth – black Americans and non-Christians have more power than they did in the 1950s. This may be the source of white belief that America has lost its identity and American culture has deteriorated.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">A survey taken more than a year ago during the primaries already showed these <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/the-fix/wp/2016/04/05/9-out-of-10-trump-voters-think-that-their-beliefs-and-values-are-under-attack/?utm_term=.836986def368">characteristics of Trump voters</a>: nearly all of them agreed that “my beliefs and values are under attack in America”. The label of “values voters” for white evangelicals was perhaps never accurate. Their votes for Trump, whose personal life represents a rejection of these values, show they are better named “<a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/02/the-trump-revelation/470559/">nostalgia voters</a>”, whose vision of a white-male-dominated America no longer represents reality.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">A <a href="https://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=2979591">more complex comparison</a> of presidential votes and moral beliefs shows that Trump voters were likely to be motivated by ideas of group loyalty, respect for authority, male dominance, and traditional social norms than by compassion for those who are suffering and desire for equal justice.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">The other side of Trump supporters’ worries about fading white male power is their disparaging attitude about people different from them. The calls at his rallies to lock up Hillary Clinton and attack journalists, the desire to deport millions of immigrants, the anger at the legalization of gay marriage are signs of a meanness of spirit that Trump himself exemplifies.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Here is a local example of meanness. Catholic Bishop Thomas Paprocki in Springfield issued a <a href="https://newwaysministryblog.files.wordpress.com/2017/06/same-sex-marriage-policies-decree-6-12-2017.pdf">“Same Sex Marriage” decree</a> in June: people in same-sex marriages may not participate in communion or receive a Catholic funeral. Paprocki’s decree does not punish adulterers, thieves, liars, or those who disobey their parents. His isolation of gay couples is political malice, unique among American bishops. Bishop Patrick McGrath of San Jose explicitly rejected Paprocki’s nasty version of <a href="https://newwaysministryblog.wordpress.com/2017/07/02/bishop-counters-paprockis-decree-against-married-lesbiangay-couples/?utm_content=buffer06a90&amp;utm_medium=social&amp;utm_source=facebook.com&amp;utm_campaign=buffer">religious intolerance</a>.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">It is possible to value self-reliance and hard work without trying to cut food stamp aid to poor families. One can believe in the virtue of raising oneself out of poverty without trying to cut Medicaid for poor people in bad health. Taking a hard line on punishing criminals does not require assuming that all immigrants are law-breakers. We can deplore terrorists without discriminating against Muslims.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Too many Trump supporters take their beliefs in what is right as license to be hateful toward people who are not like them. Combine that with nostalgia for a time when blacks had to defer to whites, men could grope women, and gays stayed in the closet, and you have a Republican Party which cuts health insurance for millions of Americans, which keeps foreign students from returning to their American universities, which cuts federal programs for Americans in need. So far these attempts have failed, but Trump and his allies show no signs of letting up.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">That’s what I call mean.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Steve Hochstadt</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Springbrook, WI</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Published in the Jacksonville Journal-Courier, July 11, 2017</span></p> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Print</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves/> <w:TrackFormatting/> <w:HyphenationZone>46</w:HyphenationZone> <w:PunctuationKerning/> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> 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ID: 153958
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: How the Great Yankee Wife Swap Scandalized—and Changed—America
Source:
Body: <p style="margin: 0px 0px 15px; line-height: 29.5px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">As America’s unofficial national pastime, baseball has traditionally steered clear of sex, America’s real pastime.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 15px; line-height: 29.5px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Even if Babe Ruth and Mickey Mantle scored both on and off the field, the game long had a G-rated quality. Baseball’s virginity lasted until March 4, 1973 at 10 a.m. That’s when Mike Kekich announced his “wife swap” with another Yankee pitcher, Fritz Peterson. Baseball—and America—have yet to recover.</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 15px; line-height: 29.5px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Peterson followed with a press conference at 4. They were switching it all—houses, wives, kids, dogs.&nbsp;<a href="https://news.google.com/newspapers?id=uscuAAAAIBAJ&amp;sjid=f6EFAAAAIBAJ&amp;pg=7086,1770267&amp;dq=mike+kekich+fritz+peterson+trade&amp;hl=en" style="transition: color 0.15s ease; background-color: transparent;">“I have nothing to hide,”</a>&nbsp;Peterson said, insisting “It’s not a smutty thing”—when everybody thought it was....</p><p style="margin: 0px 0px 15px; line-height: 29.5px; font-size: 17px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><a href="http://www.thedailybeast.com/how-the-great-yankee-wife-swap-scandalizedand-changedamerica">Read whole article on The Daily Beast.</a></p>
ID: 153960
Uid: 78576
Author: 32
Category: 0
Title: Nancy MacLean's Segregationist Sins of Omission and Commission
Source: Phillip Magness is an Adjunct Professor of Public Policy in the Schar School of Policy & Government at George Mason University.
Body: <p></p><p> One of the most inflammatory charges of Nancy MacLean's new book&nbsp;<em>Democracy in Chains</em> holds that James M. Buchanan, and by extension his department and research center at the University of Virginia, served as something of an intellectual buttress to the segregationist forces of 1950s and 1960s Virginia politics after&nbsp;<em>Brown v. Board.</em> MacLean has very little direct evidence for this charge - in fact she's even conceded in a couple of interviews that she has no direct documentation of Buchanan ever writing anything in favor of segregation. Her footnotes are similarly flimsy on this point and she resorts to misreading and misrepresenting Buchanan's work on school choice to make her argument (<a href="http://bleedingheartlibertarians.com/2017/06/maclean-nutter-buchanan-universal-education/">Steve Horwitz documents the issues here</a>).</p><p>To bolster her non-existent case, MacLean resorts to playing a game of <a href="http://www.libertylawsite.org/2017/06/27/six-degrees-of-jim-buchanan/">six degrees of separation</a> in which she deploys a heavy stream of innuendo and unfounded supposition to write Buchanan into the pro-segregation political apparatus of Harry Flood Byrd, Sr. and a Richmond newspaper editor. As I've documented in my previous posts, she also fabricates claims out of thin air that allege Buchanan's intellectual debts to the <a href="http://philmagness.com/?p=2074">pro-segregation Vanderbilt Agrarians</a> and to the 19th century pro-slavery politician <a href="http://philmagness.com/?p=2088">John C. Calhoun</a>. Remarkably, there's almost no evidence for any of these claims - just a fanciful tale that is increasingly <a href="https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/volokh-conspiracy/wp/2017/07/11/nancy-macleans-conspiratorial-response-to-criticism-of-democracy-in-chains/?utm_term=.e9c5a3b615af">taking on conspiratorial overtones</a> in the way that MacLean has mounted her defense.</p><p>Sadly, a number of historians have displayed a <a href="https://twitter.com/jacremes/status/885129876012969985">remarkable credulity for MacLean's claims</a> on this point, even refusing to engage the evidence. One recent exception appears on the <a href="https://altrightorigins.com/2017/07/13/was-james-buchanan-a-racist-libertarians-and-historical-research/#comment-39">blog of John P. Jackson</a>, who at least attempts to mount an actual defense of MacLean's interpretation of Buchanan's time at UVA. The whole piece is worth reading and engaging, but the core of Jackson's argument on&nbsp;<em>Brown</em> and segregation appears in the following excerpt:</p><blockquote style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><p>"So, if we take the book as a whole, we find that MacLean shows that Buchanan was embedded in a&nbsp;<a href="https://altrightorigins.com/2017/02/28/notes-and-news-from-the-archive/" target="_blank" rel="noopener">state power structure&nbsp;</a>where only those folks who were reliably segregationist were allowed to work (the famed “Byrd Machine” of Virginia), that he did nothing to rock that boat, and that his theories and arguments were welcomed by those looking to preserve segregation."</p></blockquote></blockquote><div><br></div><p></p><p> In assessing this argument, it's important to recognize that Jackson accepts MacLean's own portrayal of her evidence at face value. He does not get into the matter of whether she's even proven her case, or whether her footnotes support her claims. He treats them as if they have been demonstrated as true.</p><p>It's a problematic position for him to begin with and again I'd encourage any reader to review the aforementioned links in which MacLean's misuse of evidence is documented. But I want to focus on another aspect of Jackson's argument, as I believe it does raise an important point: what was Buchanan's relationship to the segregationist political environment around him in 1950s and 1960s Virginia? Jackson appears to believe that Buchanan lent it support through a combination of indirect policies such as school choice and silent acquiescence to the political machine around him. His source for this claim is, again, a mostly uncritical acceptance of MacLean's own narrative, which asserts more or less the same thing.</p><p>&nbsp;There's another problem though: MacLean's narrative about UVA is badly flawed. In order to portray Buchanan as a collusive and acquiescing partner of Virginia's segregationist political machine, she omitted a critical piece of evidence that contradicts her narrative.</p><p>In 1965&nbsp;Buchanan recruited an economist by the name of William H. Hutt to serve as a visiting professor at the Thomas Jefferson Center, his hub of operations at UVA. Hutt was a natural fit for the role. He had recently retired from his position as chair of the economics department at the University of Capetown in South Africa. He was also an early contributor to the public choice school of thought, and his work drew heavily upon Buchanan and Gordon Tullock's&nbsp;<em>The Calculus of Consent.</em> Hutt's own academic reputation is noteworthy though because he was one of the leading academic opponents in South Africa of that country's notorious Apartheid regime.</p><p>Before he came to UVA, Hutt spent almost three decades criticizing the Apartheid government of his own country. His work repeatedly drew the ire of the South African government. In one notable instance from 1955, the Apartheid regime even suspended Hutt's passport in an attempt to prevent him from presenting on the barbarism of this policy abroad. He regained his travel rights after a public controversy over his academic freedom, and remained undeterred in criticizing the South African government. Hutt's work on Apartheid eventually culminated in a book length treatment of the subject entitled&nbsp;<em><a href="https://mises.org/library/economics-colour-bar">The Economics of the Colour Bar</a>,</em>&nbsp;which he published in 1964. The work notably employs an early version of public choice theory to explain the origins of Apartheid in South Africa as a form of regulatory capture to the benefit of white labor unions over black workers.</p><p>When Buchanan recruited Hutt the following year, his international reputation as an Apartheid critic was near its peak. Hutt joined the department at UVA over the winter of 1965-66 and remained there for about two years on an extended stay. Drawing upon his recent book, Hutt delivered multiple lectures at Virginia and other universities in the region about the economics of Apartheid. During his stay Hutt also noticed an alarming similarity between the Apartheid regime in South Africa and the segregation in the southern United States. His home country's brutal laws were more overt and severe, but the two only differed in degree. In fact, Hutt noticed that many segregationist laws had similar origins to South Africa. Both aimed to keep the black workforce out of competition and other forms of economic association with whites, and both used race to achieve this end.</p><p>In short order, Hutt began extending his analysis of Apartheid to what he saw around him in the segregationist United States. While under Buchanan's sponsorship at Virginia, he gave multiple lectures on this subject and penned a short article for the journal&nbsp;<em>Modern Age</em> describing their similarities. A &nbsp;choice excerpt follows:</p><blockquote style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><p>"My own contribution to the gathering was a comparison of the not altogether dissimilar situation in my own country (the Republic of South Africa). I explained the origins of injustices to which the non-whites of South Africa have for long been subject; and general discussion suggested that, in several respects, the real disabilities of the American Negro population can be traced to the identical ultimate causes."</p></blockquote></blockquote><p><br></p><p>Hutt preceded to explain the differences of the two countries. Importantly, South Africa was majority-black while blacks were a minority in the United States. This, in part, explained the severity and virulent racism of the former regime when compared to the latter's preference for more indirect forms of discrimination, among them the "separate but equal" doctrine. The similarities were nonetheless pronounced. Hutt continued:</p><blockquote style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><blockquote style="margin: 0 0 0 40px; border: none; padding: 0px;"><p>"These and other differences do not prevent us, however, from recognizing that in both countries, and for not very different reasons, non-whites are condemned to inferiority of productive opportunities, income, status, and respect. The reasons are rooted deeply in history. Yet many of the whites of this generation must share responsibility for perpetuation of the inferiority; for there are deliberately imposed man-made barriers to equality of economic opportunity barriers which are, I suggest, by all odds the most important ultimate cause of inequality of civil rights."</p></blockquote></blockquote><p><br></p><p>MacLean is certainly aware of Hutt's presence at UVA because she mentions that Buchanan recruited him on p. 59 of her book. But she also conveniently leaves out any references whatsoever to Hutt's research and activities during his time the Jefferson Center. In fact, she twists and contorts it in an opposite direction that even goes so far as to imply Hutt's&nbsp;complicity in the same blatantly fabricated segregationist conspiracy she uses to tar Buchanan. Note the underlined segments in the excerpt below:</p><div><br></div><div style="text-align: center;">&nbsp; <a href="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/MacLean-Hutt.jpg"><img class="aligncenter size-medium wp-image-2099" src="http://philmagness.com/wp-content/uploads/2017/07/MacLean-Hutt-300x103.jpg" alt="" width="300" height="103"></a></div><div><br></div><p></p><p> MacLean makes no mention of Hutt's better-known book on Apartheid, or the fact that his academic work and lectures while at UVA explicitly targeted both Apartheid and the parallel segregation regime in the United States.&nbsp;Not content to stop at this sin of omission though, MacLean converts it into a sin of commission. She highlights Hutt's criticism of labor unions in a decade-old book and contorts it into an implicit nod of support for Virginia's segregationist political class.</p><p>Even this charge is absurd on its face. As Hutt repeatedly noted in his work, white labor unions were a major source of political support for Apartheid in South Africa. But MacLean subscribes to a worldview where labor unions are sacrosanct. And that, apparently, includes a license to violate the most basic evidentiary norms of the historian's trade out of service to her political argument.</p>
ID: 153963
Uid: 78576
Author: 32
Category: 0
Title: On Buchanan's Intellectual History and MacLean's Missing Leviathan
Source:
Body: <p>I'll offer one more quick observation on the ongoing controversy about Nancy MacLean's <em>Democracy in Chains.</em></p><p>In several recent interviews MacLean has presented her work as an "intellectual history" of James Buchanan. <a href="http://www.publicseminar.org/2017/07/the-controversy-over-democracy-in-chains/#.WW5CsIjytPY">A few historians have come to her defense as well</a>, taking a similar line and also suggesting that MacLean's critics either don't understand or are "misreading" the methods and "best practices" of intellectual history by focusing upon her thin documentation of the figures she presents as Buchanan's intellectual influences.</p><p>This line of argument unintentionally reveals a critical oversight in MacLean's treatment of Buchanan. It also shows that the claim about "intellectual history" methods is largely hollow. That oversight is the 17th century English philosopher Thomas Hobbes.</p><p>If you are even minimally familiar with the work of Buchanan, you should know that one of the most important, recurring, and indeed ubiquitous thinkers that he engages across his vast body of scholarship is Thomas Hobbes. I'd even go so far as to suggest that it's impossible to accurately write an intellectual history of Buchanan without understanding the deep complexities of his decades-long engagement with Hobbes' work and his adopted role as Hobbes' frequent interlocutor (yes, there are other figures like Frank Knight and Knut Wicksell who warrant similar notice for their formative influences on Buchanan's political economy. Hobbes is a central figure - both utilized and engaged - in Buchanan's political theory).</p><p>Nor is any of this a big secret. Buchanan probably refers to Hobbes a hundred times or more in his collected academic works, and three of his major books centrally engage what he calls the Leviathan model of government in a direct and obvious reference to Hobbes' famous work.</p><p>So where is Hobbes in Nancy MacLean's purported "intellectual history" of James M. Buchanan? Almost completely absent.&nbsp;He appears only once - a passing reference on page 33, where he is quickly cast aside and replaced by a <a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/153952">completely imaginary connection to the obscure segregationist Agrarian poet Donald Davidson</a>&nbsp;as the supposed source of Buchanan's Leviathan concept.</p><p>So not only does MacLean appear to have invented a non-existent connection to Davidson. In doing so she unintentionally jettisoned a central figure - Hobbes - from Buchanan's corpus of scholarship.</p>