Blogs

Displaying 25731-25740 of 25837 results.
ID: 153876
Uid: 78581
Author: 39
Category: 0
Title: The Era of Bad Feelings?
Source:
Body: <p></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153876-1.png"></p><p class="MsoNormal"><i>Mark S. Byrnes is professor of History at Wofford College in Spartanburg, SC.</i></p><p class="MsoNormal">Something remarkable in American presidential history happened on Inauguration Day.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">No, not the obvious one. The nation’s focus is understandably on the fact that Donald Trump, someone with no previous political, diplomatic, or military experience, took the oath of office. Something else, that has happened only once before in our history, happened.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">We saw the completion of a third consecutive two-term presidency.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">The last time this happened, Thomas Jefferson and John Adams were still alive: March 1825, when James Monroe finished his second term. In the nearly 200 years since, Americans have hardly seen such relative stability in the presidency. Someone born in February 1993 has known only three presidents. By contrast, an American born in July 1974 had three presidents before reaching the age of 3. (There was one other comparable period, from 1933 to 1961, when the United States also had only three presidents. But Harry Truman was only elected once, and did not quite serve two full terms.)</p> <p class="MsoNormal">It is somewhat remarkable and worth noting that after experiencing 7 presidencies in 32 years, we have had only 3 in the last 24. Part of the reason is that we are also now living through the single longest period in our history without a president having died in office. It has been over 53 years since JFK’s assassination. The previous record came at the beginning: just under 52 years between Washington’s inauguration on April 30, 1789 and William Henry Harrison’s death on April 4, 1841.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">On the surface, these two eras, 1801-1825 and 1993-2017, are not terribly similar. The first was known as the Virginia Dynasty (because all three presidents were Virginians), and was dominated by a single political party, Jefferson’s Democratic-Republicans. That era saw the effective death of the opposition party, the Federalists, who failed to even field a candidate in the 1820 election—in part because the presidency of James Monroe saw a merging of the ideologies of those two founding political parties during what was called “The Era of Good Feelings.”</p> <p class="MsoNormal">No one on either side of the current political divide would be likely to use that phrase to describe recent American history. These past 24 years have not only seen the presidency pass back and forth between the two major parties; it has also been a time of seemingly ever-escalating partisanship. Neither party has come close to the dominance the Democratic-Republicans achieved. While the Democrats have won the popular vote for president in 6 of the last 7 elections, they control no part of the federal government. While the Republicans have nominal control of the federal government, their president is someone who effectively engineered a hostile takeover of the party, and may well end up frequently at odds with the Republican leadership in Congress. Arguably, both parties are in serious trouble.&nbsp; </p><p class="MsoNormal">So “stability” might not be quite the right word to use to describe these past 24 years. </p> <p class="MsoNormal">Nonetheless, it is true that the American people have not sent an incumbent president packing since 1992, and if Obama’s approval ratings (60%) as he leaves office are any indication, they might not have done so this year if not for the 22<sup>nd</sup> Amendment.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">So how do we reconcile that reality with the undeniable fact that the incoming president is, in just about every imaginable way, the anti-Obama who has pledged to undo much of what Obama’s presidency accomplished? In such a close election, anything could have made a difference.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">What is undeniable, however, is that 46% of the public voted for an inexperienced outsider who not only viciously derided his predecessor and opponent, but rejected mainstream politics entirely, who violated nearly every political norm, and who did not fit neatly into either political party. In that sense, his victory was a rejection of American politics as a whole, a repudiation of Washington. Many people seem to have voted for Trump precisely because they don’t like either party. They have decided American politics is broken, and Trump promised to blow up the whole “corrupt” system. They think “the system” does not work for or represent them.&nbsp; </p><p class="MsoNormal">That sensibility might be what connects today to the end of the Virginia Dynasty. </p> <p class="MsoNormal">In 1824, “The Era of Good Feelings” rather quickly collapsed. After an uncontested election in 1820, there were four major candidates for president in the election of 1824, all of whom won at least two states and at least 11% of the popular vote. None of them, however, got either an electoral college or popular vote majority, throwing the election into the House of Representatives for the only time in American history.&nbsp; </p><p class="MsoNormal">American politics fell into chaos. The House voted to make Secretary of State John Quincy Adams president, despite the fact that Andrew Jackson received the single largest number of both electoral college and popular votes. Outraged Jacksonians charged that a “corrupt bargain” between Adams and Speaker of the House Henry Clay gave the former the presidency and the latter the coveted office of Secretary of State (Adams was the fourth consecutive president to have previously led the State Department). Monroe’s so-recently triumphant Democratic-Republican Party was hopelessly shattered. That splintering led to the Second Party System, with the supporters of Andrew Jackson creating the Democratic Party, and his opponents eventually forming the ideologically diverse (and never terribly robust) Whig Party.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">Only eight years earlier, it appeared to James Monroe that the nation enjoyed near perfect unity. In his first inaugural address, he stated: “Equally gratifying is it to witness the increased harmony of opinion which pervades our Union. Discord does not belong to our system…. The American people ... constitute one great family with a common interest.” The events of the mid-to-late 1820s gave the lie to that wishful thinking. Monroe failed to see the sectional and economic forces that were undermining the unity he thought he saw. The stability of the Virginia Dynasty was an illusion.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">Trump’s ascendance may represent a similar—yet also distinctly different—phenomenon: a product of forces building beneath the surface that mainstream political leaders could not see. In the early 1820s, the appearance of unity masked division. In our times, it may be that while the two parties saw themselves as bitterly opposed to each other, some Americans saw them as indistinguishable, as the “Democratic-Republican” party. The ideological battle that has consumed the political class was, to at least some voters, so much indistinct political noise to them. They blamed both parties for their sense that little of substance gets done in Washington (and were impatient with those who tried to point out the nihilistic and norm-destroying obstructionism of the anti-Obama forces). They saw Clinton, Bush, and Obama as belonging to an undifferentiated “Washington establishment,” and thus the prospect of another Clinton or Bush in 2016 was just more of the same. They were hardly a majority—in fact, nowhere near one—but when combined with die-hard Republicans who would vote for whatever name had an (R) after it, they put Trump just barely over the top.</p> <p class="MsoNormal">With Trump taking the oath of office, more manifestly unprepared for the responsibilities he is assuming than anyone in American history, we all will get to witness what happens when someone who thinks he has a mandate to shake things up becomes the most powerful person in the world. Maybe his supporters will be right, and he will be a breath of fresh air and revive a moribund political system. Based on all we’ve seen of Trump in his campaign and through the transition, however, I fear it is more likely to produce a result of the kind that James Monroe feared 200 years ago, even as he extolled American unity in his first inaugural address:</p> <p class="MsoNormal">“It is only when the people become ignorant and corrupt, when they degenerate into a populace, that they are incapable of exercising the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found. The people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin.”</p>
ID: 153877
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: An Inauguration Day Plea to Democrats: Stop Moping, Trump Won
Source:
Body: <p style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153877-trump2.png"></p><p><i>Gil Troy is a professor of history at McGill University and a visiting scholar in Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution for the fall of 2015. His latest book — his tenth — is </i><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1429704244&amp;sr=8-1&amp;keywords=age%20of%20clinton&amp;tag=viglink21109-20"><i>The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</i></a><i> (Thomas Dunne Books, 2015).&nbsp;</i></p><p>Seventy-two days of cry-ins and bellyaching is enough. Today, on Inauguration Day, Democrats should remember the civics lectures they gave Donald Trump about accepting election results when they expected to would win, and stop moping. By agreeing to attend Trump’s inauguration, Bill and Hillary Clinton are validating America’s peaceful transfer of power, without endorsing the victor. Anti-Trump diehards should acknowledge reality too. Boycotting the Trump presidency increasingly seems juvenile, undermining Democratic credibility.&nbsp;It’s time to oppose particular Trump actions, policies, appointments, and statements surgically not categorically – and accept him as President.</p><p>Since Election Day, millions of disappointed Democrats have languished in the first four of Elisabeth Kubler-Ross’s&nbsp;<a href="http://psychcentral.com/lib/the-5-stages-of-loss-and-grief/">five stages of mourning</a>: denial, anger, bargaining, and depression. Few seem to have reached “acceptance.” Democrats have a republican obligation to recognize Trump as head of state. At the same time, all Americans enjoy the democratic rights to oppose any moves he makes as head of government.</p><p>Yes, the words “President” and “Trump” are now become forever linked – get used to it. Some will continue resisting reality – I know a conservative politico who taught his son in 1998 to recite all the president’s names, from George Washington to George H.W. Bush, as if Bill Clinton hadn’t been inaugurated in 1993. But such antics are counterproductive. Democrats will gain credibility by choosing battles wisely, fighting policies not reality; offensive statements not Trump’s status.</p><p>This is not the first time Democrats have lost – or disappointed supporters insisted the wrong candidate won. Democratic despair, no matter how heartfelt or justified, is cliché. “The American people have elected a mere Tom Tit,” the professorial former president John Quincy Adams&nbsp;<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Henry-Clay-Americas-Greatest-Statesman/dp/0306823918/ref=pd_bxgy_14_3?_encoding=UTF8&amp;psc=1&amp;refRID=2FQ17B8558EAAN5GE85Y">muttered</a>&nbsp;in 1844 after the Democrat James Knox Polk upset the former Senator and Secretary of State Henry Clay. “I am unmanned,” New York’s Millard Fillmore&nbsp;<a href="https://archive.org/stream/millardfillmore00fillgoog/millardfillmore00fillgoog_djvu.txt">wrote</a>&nbsp;Clay when the Buffalo Congressman finally could put pen to paper after the election. “A cloud of gloom hangs over the future. May God save the country; for it is evident the people will not.”&nbsp; More recently, in 1994, when the Democrats lost their Congressional majority after four decades, Mario Cuomo the refined governor of New York, who also lost that Election Day, blasted the Republican “<a href="https://www.newspapers.com/newspage/138775387/">storm troopers”</a>&nbsp;conquering Washington. &nbsp;</p><p>America’s winner-take-all, two party system frames elections as binary choices between good and bad, qualified and unqualified, redeemer and destroyer. Every election becomes “<a href="http://www.americanthinker.com/articles/2016/08/the_most_important_electionagain.html">the most important, ever</a>,” with losers often doubting the people’s wisdom and America’s future. Even those appalled by Trump’s boorishness and bigotry should remember that the Constitution’s checks and balances limit presidential power – and have produced a stable system despite chief executives as mendacious as Richard Nixon and as mediocre as Warren Harding.</p><p>Ultimately, Democrats will recover by doing what Trump fails to do:&nbsp; approach politics with some self-doubt while giving rival Americans the benefit of the doubt. The twentieth-century theologian Reinhold Niebuhr who, when inflamed, called some of&nbsp; Dwight Eisenhower’s executive actions “<a href="https://books.google.co.il/books?id=zpR4wXRWXQ0C&amp;pg=PT51&amp;lpg=PT51&amp;dq=niebuhr+eisenhower+stupid&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=lDTg_Ky81v&amp;sig=D51zcA-0A-SrNhneld1n_4f5MrU&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiBtJ-g0rLRAhWDchQKHWsvASQQ6AEIJTAD#v=onepage&amp;q=niebuhr%20eisenhower%20stupid&amp;f=false">stupid</a>,” nevertheless preached that partisans would “<a href="https://books.google.co.il/books?id=FVO42sr4u2QC&amp;pg=PA61&amp;dq=niebuhr+affronted+values+of+justice&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjS-7a60rLRAhVBmBQKHbhuB3AQ6AEIGjAA#v=onepage&amp;q=niebuhr%20affronted%20values%20of%20justice&amp;f=false">be less affronted and baffled</a>” by voters’ “clashing conclusions,” if they noticed that different citizens balance the values of “freedom” and “justice” differently. Understanding that this tension, applied to governing dilemmas, inevitably produces imperfect choices, should make us all less judgmental, Niebuhr taught. This humility echoed the skepticism of Ralph Waldo Emerson, America’s nineteenth-century philosopher of “fluxions and mobility.” “Why fancy that you have all the truth in your keeping?”&nbsp;<a href="https://books.google.co.il/books?id=nI3uBQAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA331&amp;lpg=PA331&amp;dq=emerson+%22why+fancy+that+you+have+all+the+truth%22&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=F4hJZ8n3hQ&amp;sig=Kn96GStl88XJA1KLCWK1uMIngUU&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwicjMLM0rLRAhVEVxQKHQvxCJAQ6AEIIzAC#v=onepage&amp;q=emerson%20%22why%20fancy%20that%20you%20have%20all%20the%20truth%22&amp;f=false">Emerson asked</a>. “There is much to say on all sides.”</p><p>In that spirit, beyond rejecting these infantile calls to shun Trump, perhaps Democrats can ban all Nazi and Ku Klux Klan analogies. Such language sounds unhinged and unpatriotic, dismissing the very voters Democrats must woo back to ensure happier Inauguration Days.</p><p>In 1940, after failing to block Franklin Roosevelt’s unprecedented third term “by only a few million votes,” the losing nominee Wendell Willkie&nbsp;<a href="http://www.ibiblio.org/pha/policy/1940/1940-09-11e.html">explained</a>&nbsp;how Republicans could function as “a vigorous, loyal and public-spirited opposition party.” Rejecting “the partisan error of opposing things just for the sake of opposition,” Willkie declared: “Ours must not be an opposition against—it must be an opposition for—an opposition for a strong America, a productive America.” As America inched toward war in 1941, Willkie didn’t hesitate to criticize Roosevelt harshly, for&nbsp;<a href="https://books.google.co.il/books?id=xurZhUonAMAC&amp;pg=PA295&amp;lpg=PA295&amp;dq=willkie+pearl+harbor&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=PyVrOybJri&amp;sig=17lQEKAu9XAJarYZwrKx2F-9F-0&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiJ6de42KjRAhVEOhQKHXUuCvsQ6AEIJjAC#v=snippet&amp;q=Pearl&amp;f=false">failing</a>&nbsp;“in the most elementary task of management.” Nevertheless, Willkie affirmed that “in emergencies the President should lead.”</p><p>A decade later, the Senate Democratic leader applied Willkie’s lessons masterfully, despite being blown away by what he later called a “kind of a hurricane across the country” in 1952 that dislodged Democrats from the White House after twenty years. After January, 1953, Johnson&nbsp;<a href="http://erenow.com/biographies/lyndon-johnson-and-the-american-dream/6.html">explained</a>&nbsp;that “If you’re in an airplane, and you’re flying somewhere, you don’t run up to the cockpit and attack the pilot. Mr. Eisenhower is the only President we’ve got.”</p><p>Believing “The American people are tired of wrecking crews,” seeking a “politics of responsibility” not partisanship, LBJ cooperated with Dwight Eisenhower when possible. Johnson supported Eisenhower’s foreign policy – with occasional dissents regarding the Korean War Armistice and Eisenhower’s fury against Israel in the 1956 Suez Crisis. On domestic matters, Johnson’s maneuvers often turned Eisenhower’s initiatives “<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Lone-Star-Rising-Johnson-1908-1960/dp/0195054350/ref=sr_1_7?s=books&amp;ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1483540947&amp;sr=1-7&amp;keywords=robert+dallek">New Deal-ish,”</a>&nbsp;achieving the results he sought, bypassing futile fights with the popular president while appearing patriotic. Johnson’s approach helped him shift from being Minority leader to Majority leader in 1955; he is now remembered as one of America’s greatest parliamentarians.&nbsp; Most important, back then most Americans respected Congress – today,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.gallup.com/poll/1600/congress-public.aspx">only between 10 and 20 percent</a>&nbsp;of Americans approve.</p><p>Blind obstructionism hurts Democrats more than it helps. Beyond the obvious hypocrisy in mimicking Republican tactics after eight years of denouncing them, gridlock advances the Republicans’ who-needs-government narrative, while undermining Democrats’ message. The party that has faith in government loses most when Americans lose faith in government.</p><p>Historically, most Americans have demanded bipartisan cooperation beyond Inauguration Day’s forced smiles. Most understand, as Michael Dukakis&nbsp;<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Destiny-Power-American-Odyssey-Herbert/dp/1400067650">ultimately understood</a>&nbsp;the “tough” 1988 election, that campaign insults are “politics, pure politics.” In 1981, even as partisan Democrats mourned Ronald Reagan’s win, many citizens demanded that Democratic House Speaker Tip O’Neill give the new Republican president a chance. Some citizens pushed bipartisan unity so aggressively that<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Morning-America-Invented-Politics-Society/dp/0691130604">worried aides</a>&nbsp;wanted O’Neill flying on military jets rather than being besieged by demands at airports. Similarly, even though Bill Clinton’s 1993 inauguration had Rush Limbaugh&nbsp;<a href="http://mediamatters.org/blog/2012/03/15/flashback-when-rush-limbaughs-hate-was-televise/184523">fearing</a>&nbsp;“the one-party dictatorial government that now will soon run America,” people shouted at Republican Senate Minority Leader Bob Dole as he jogged on Miami Beach, “<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728">Give him a chance, give him a chance</a>.”</p><p>Democrats should show they are what Lyndon Johnson called “builders." Johnson&nbsp;<a href="https://books.google.co.il/books?id=Tv8QCgAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PT120&amp;lpg=PT120&amp;dq=%E2%80%9Cholding+your+hand+out+while+keeping+your+guard+up,+opening+your+lines+of+communication+while+keeping+your+powder+dry.%E2%80%9D&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=s6MfIQPa5W&amp;sig=kW6YUYtAdbUqL0tSZwVh0HuKekQ&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwjG__Ol1bLRAhVEPRQKHfGXCMwQ6AEIGjAA#v=onepage&amp;q=%E2%80%9Cholding%20your%20hand%20out%20while%20keeping%20your%20guard%20up%2C%20opening%20your%20lines%20of%20communication%20while%20keeping%20your%20powder%20dry.%E2%80%9D&amp;f=false">proposed</a>&nbsp;“holding your hand out while keeping your guard up, opening your lines of communication while keeping your powder dry.” Americans have no ritual to perform on Inauguration Day: we pledge allegiance to the flag not the president. But Congressional Democrats should fight strategically, rather than “resisting” wildly.</p><p>Donald Trump’s continuing combativeness hasn’t made it easy. Still, living through 2016 once was bad enough – it’s now over. The choice is not between bullying or being bullied. Oppose Trump’s capriciousness with Democratic steadfastness. A loyal opposition fights passionately, patriotically, effectively.</p>
ID: 153878
Uid: 341
Author: 40
Category: 0
Title: They Stood Their Ground Against War
Source:
Body: <p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153878-w1.png "></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: smaller;">Trenches in World War 1</span></p><p><i>This post is by Murray Polner,&nbsp; a blogger, writer and HNN’s senior Book Department editor.</i></p><p>"War, what is it good for?"--Elaine Benes, Seinfeld's friend.</p> <p>"What harm did he do Thee, O Lord?"--An inscription placed by parents on their son's grave, killed at Gallipoli.</p> <p>The Iraq-Afghan war is nothing compared to the Great War. Adam Hochschild's absolutely brilliant and eloquent "To End All Wars: A Study of Loyalty and Rebellion, 1914-1918" reported that a US War Department study in 1924 concluded that more than 8.6 million soldiers were killed and over 21 million were wounded in the four-years of mass, industrialized violence and the prostitution of science for purposes of sheer destruction--which continues apace today in American and Russian and Chinese laboratories getting ready for WW III.</p> <p>WWI was a slaughterhouse, and the more cannon fodder the disputants needed the more they drafted anyone left standing including married men with children. In Britain, the upper, educated class's young men were killed and crippled at an alarming rate, which fascinated Americans drawn to the aura of a war with no blood or amputated limbs in "Upstairs Downstairs" and Downton Abbey." The realty was quite another thing, Hochschild tells us. Lord Salisbury, a former British PM, lost five grandsons; PM Herbert Asquith's eldest son was killed in battle as were the two sons of the future PM Bonar Law. 18-year old John Kipling died in France after which his super hawk father Rudyard, the perennial flag waver who never wore a military uniform, grieved deeply, and composed a couplet "Epitaph of the War: &nbsp;If any question why we died/Tell them because our fathers lied."</p> <p>Hochschild's book recalled the courage of the British men and women who so objected to the war they instead chose to suffer prison, starvation, torture, loss of jobs, family breakups and death threats. 20,000 Britons chose conscientious objection and prison, among them Tom Attlee, the elder brother of Clement Attlee, the future Prime Minister and Bertrand Russell, who also led a campaign to delegitimize the pointless Vietnam War.</p> <p>Caroline Moorhead's equally incisive and revealing "Troublesome People: The Warriors of Pacifism" described her nation's resisters' experiences during the war. "Some have risked the death penalty rather than alter their view and some indeed have died for it, a few, their health and spirit broken by punishment, have gone mad. There is stubbornness, obduracy, about pacifism that can be infuriating; it can be heroic, admirable." </p> <p>From where did their refusal to kill come? From many sources, of course, but essentially religious and secular beliefs. From Leo Tolstoy, whose "The Kingdom of God is Within You" greatly influenced Gandhi. Tolstoy preached refusal to accept war and freeing men and women from its curse. "Universal military service," said Tolstoy, "is the last stage of violence that governments need for the maintenance of the whole structure ... and its removal would bring down the whole building." In the US, Objectors were moved by the pencil-maker Henry Thoreau's "Civil Disobedience," who preferred an overnight jailhouse stay rather than support Polk's imperial, pro-slavery war with Mexico and with socialism, however they defined the term.</p> <p>Books I've just read or re-read look back at the failed antiwar efforts to prevent WWI.&nbsp; In 1915, one year after the European empires began butchering millions of their men and women, soldiers and civilians alike, a pop song swept American music stores whose chorus began "I didn't raise my son to be a soldier." Many decades later the soldier-son of a bereaved and angry mother named Cindy Sheehan was killed in Iraq chasing those Bush-Cheney WMDs, for which she was rebuked for defaming the Land of the Free and the Home of the Brave "Before one more mother's child is lost," she shouted, and we are now entering our seventeenth year of war.</p> <p>Michael Kazin's new book "War Against War: The American Fight for Peace 1914-1918" vividly &nbsp;takes us back to Woodrow Wilson's reign and evokes the story of the lies, propaganda and bitter debates of that era. The men and women Kazin respects and admires tried for three years to keep the US from entering the war. </p> <p>At the start, Kazin explains his point of view: "I wish the US had stayed out of the Great War. Imperial Germany posed no great to the American homeland and no long-term threat to its economic interests, and the consequences of its defeat made the world a more dangerous place."</p> <p>What Kazin, professor of history at Georgetown, does is look at the pacifists and the socialists, trade unionists, women's groups, and others who chose to say NO! as Wilson and America remained on the sidelines for three years before deciding that the nation had to enter the war.&nbsp; "War Against War" is a convincing warning about the falsehoods and self-deception that drew us into WWI and later into Korea, Vietnam, Iraq and Afghanistan. </p> <p>The people he and I honor are Morris Hillquit, the Socialist Party labor lawyer; Crystal Eastman, a mesmeric organizer and editor, the leading light who helped organize women and liberal pacifists; Jane Addams, the most remembered of all, &nbsp;pacifist, Hull House co-founder, Women's Peace Party organizer&nbsp; and Nobel Laureate who, in 1915,&nbsp; explained that "the chief skepticism pacifism meets comes from a widely accepted conviction that war is a necessary and inevitable factor in human affairs," adding, "children should no longer be slain as living sacrifices upon the altar of tribal gods," subversive words which led the Daughters of the American Revolution to revoke her membership"; Claude Kitchin, the southern House Majority Leader, whose father fought for the Confederacy; Randolph Bourne whose words "War is the health of the state"&nbsp; are more than ever relevant today; A. Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen, African American socialists, anti-war and anti-imperialists; Robert and&nbsp; Fola LaFollette, Wisconsin's husband and wife progressives; &nbsp;pacifist &nbsp;Rabbi Judah Magnes, inspired by the prophet Jeremiah and Gandhi, first president and Chancellor of the Hebrew University in Jerusalem and advocate for an Arab-Jewish bi-national country; Senator George Norris ("Their object in having war and in preparing for war is to make money .... Wall Street considers only the dollars and cents.") and the pacifist-socialist Helen Keller (" Congress is not preparing to defend the people of the US. It is planning to protect the capital of American speculators and investors [and] benefit the manufacturers of munitions and machines"). Their names and achievements have been erased from our national memory.</p><p>We've also largely forgotten, as the late Tom Hayden put it in his final book, "Hell No. The Forgotten Power of the Vietnam Peace Movement," the &nbsp;"draft resisters, opposition among GIs, deserters to Canada and other countries, prayer vigils, moratoriums, letters written to Congress, civil disobedience, peace campaigns for Congress and massive teach-ins." And I would add Senator George McGovern and Martin Luther King Jr., who delivered anti-Vietnam War speeches at the Riverside Church in Manhattan in April 1967 and then at a huge rally in Central Park. And, Dorothy Day, Dan and Phil Berrigan and Rabbi Abraham Joshua&nbsp; Heschel and the millions of Americans who marched and worked and took risks to end a sinful war that killed 58,000 US soldiers, far more wounded in body and mind, and several million Asians. So many protestors yesterday, so silent today.</p> <p>I've just read Denise Grady's NY Times article buried on page 15 (Jan. 15, 2017) of the 1,367 young soldiers who received devastating wounds to their genitourinary tracts in Iraq or Afghanistan and many may never be able to conceive a child. Many have also received traumatic brain injuries, pelvic fractures, colorectal damage and amputations. </p> <p>That's because in the end, loyalty to one's country prevails in every war in every nation. W.B. Sledge was a Marine in WWII and his striking book, "With The Old Breed: At Peleliu and Okinawa," reeks with misery and death and sadness. "War," concludes this Marine combat vet, "is brutish, inglorious and a terrible waste. Combat leaves an indelible mark on those who are forced to endure it." But then he closes with the dominant appeal of blood and faithfulness and the sense of what he owes to his country. "As the troops used to say, 'If the country is good enough to live in, it's good enough to fight for.' With privilege comes responsibility." Such sentiments, even about wars that should never have been fought, have always trumped those who tried to resist their country's war party. Rest assured, patriotic Americans, no VIP who sent them to the Middle Eastern wars will ever be reprimanded.</p> <p>I leave the last wise words to Kazin, whose book deserves your attention. The WWI anti-war heroes argued "passionately and consistently, that a durable settlement depended on the US forging a tolerant, non-aggressive relationship with other nations -- one based not on preparing for war but on avoiding it." </p>
ID: 153879
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: When Nixon’s Henchmen Plotted to Assassinate a Journalist with LSD
Source: The Daily Beast
Body: <div class="Text" style="margin-bottom: 18px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; line-height: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px; font-size: 17px;">What happens when America’s president is insecure, touchy, prickly, vengeful, narcissistic, and paranoid, more obsessed with crushing his enemies than leading the people?&nbsp;</p></div><div class="Text" style="margin-bottom: 18px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; line-height: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px; font-size: 17px;">If history is a crystal ball—we survive. Richard Nixon’s White House was a petri dish breeding deceit and distrust. It teemed with espionage and enemies’ lists, wiretapping and burglaries, leaked national secrets and even murder conspiracy. All those sins represent just one pre-Watergate feud: Nixon’s crusade against the investigative reporter Jack Anderson. Still, this old-style gumshoe journalist who saw his job as digging for dirt not writing think pieces, helped proved the system’s resilience.</p></div><div class="Text" style="margin-bottom: 18px; color: rgb(2, 20, 31); font-family: Georgia, Cambria, 'Times New Roman', Times, serif; line-height: 0px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px; font-size: 17px;">A transition figure, Jack Anderson had shoes soiled by muckraking, hands ink-stained from typing, and face powdered for his nine-year TV gig on ABC’s<i>Good Morning America.</i>&nbsp;He was Upton Sinclair and Ida Tarbell, Bob Woodward and Carl Bernstein, Lesley Stahl and Dan Rather, all wrapped in one. And, when America needed it, he helped take down a president...</p><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px; font-size: 17px;"><i><a href="http://www.thedailybeast.com/articles/2017/01/21/when-nixon-s-henchmen-plotted-to-assassinate-a-journalist.html">Read whole article on The Daily Beast.</a></i></p><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px; font-size: 17px;"><br></p><p style="line-height: 29.5px; margin: 0px; font-size: 17px;"><em style="box-sizing: inherit; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: NotoNashkArabic, ProximaNova-regular, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Roboto, Arial, sans-serif; line-height: 28px;">Gil Troy, a professor of history at McGill University and a visiting professor at the Ruderman Program at Haifa University, is the author of The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s, published by St. Martin’s Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg’s The Zionist Idea. Follow on Twitter @GilTroy.&nbsp;</em></p></div>
ID: 153880
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: TRUMP’S TRASHY TRANSITION IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
Source:
Body: <p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">America’s presidential transition is a magical democratic moment. A gift from our secular democratic gods -- the Framers – this healing timeout eases the shift from the brutality of campaigning to the civility we need for governing. It helps the incoming president adjust, set the tone, popularize a defining image, and fashion a mandate.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">Then came the Trump transition.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">Trump’s Transition failed. Trump hired key staffers. But the popularity boost every incoming president but one – Ronald Reagan – enjoyed since 1960 didn’t happen: 2016’s sourness has bled into 2017. Meanwhile President Barack Obama scrambled to cement his legacy – trying to shackle his successor to the old order.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">There have been worse transitions: Seven Southern states seceded after Abraham Lincoln and the Republicans won in 1860. The Herbert Hoover to Franklin D. Roosevelt handoff was so fumbled&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(38, 38, 38);">it inspired the Twentieth Amendment, shortening the transition by six weeks from March to January 20.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;Hoover denounced Roosevelt’s “astonishing,” “foolish,” sadistic refusal to cooperate as hundreds of banks failed. &nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman';">Roosevelt waited to take power in 1933,&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(38, 38, 38);">to pitch his “Bank Holiday” with New Deal reforms. (Note, however, the strategy worked politically. After winning 57.4 percent of the popular vote, Roosevelt enjoyed a 69 percent approval rate when inaugurated).</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(16, 16, 16);">When Thomas Jefferson unseated President John Adams in 1800, this first Constitutional transfer of power from the ruling party to the opposition was peaceful but stressful.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(16, 16, 16);">Adams didn't even show up for the inauguration, leaving town at&nbsp;<span class="aBn" data-term="goog_1647343991" tabindex="0" style="border-bottom-width: 1px; border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); position: relative; top: -2px; z-index: 0;"><span class="aQJ" style="position: relative; top: 2px; z-index: -1;">4 A.M.</span></span>&nbsp;Adams&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(16, 16, 16);">saddled the new administration with “</span><a href="https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/age-jefferson-and-madison/timeline-terms/midnight-judges" target="_blank" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=https://www.gilderlehrman.org/history-by-era/age-jefferson-and-madison/timeline-terms/midnight-judges&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1485164364381000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEJVl5WMXTidIB1_xpv8X08a6OcAw" style="color: rgb(17, 85, 204);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman';">midnight judges</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(16, 16, 16);">.” Jefferson’s attempt to undo them triggered what became the landmark decision asserting the Supreme Court’s right of Judicial Review,<i>Marbury v. Madison.</i></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(16, 16, 16);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">Obama tried&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/31/us/politics/obama-last-days-trump-transition.html?_r=0" target="_blank" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=https://www.nytimes.com/2016/12/31/us/politics/obama-last-days-trump-transition.html?_r%3D0&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1485164364381000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFFhgchuhK6C_ONveKVATKGdxIURg" style="color: rgb(17, 85, 204);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman';">handcuff</span></a><span class="m_-4834709788805114005gmail-MsoHyperlink"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman';">ing</span></span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;his successor, John Adams-style. Obama jabbed Israel, commuted a record 231 sentences&nbsp;<span class="aBn" data-term="goog_1647343993" tabindex="0" style="border-bottom-width: 1px; border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); position: relative; top: -2px; z-index: 0;"><span class="aQJ" style="position: relative; top: 2px; z-index: -1;">in one day</span></span>, banned oil drilling off the Atlantic Coast, and transferred 10 more prisoners from Guantanamo Bay.&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: black;">Obama also made more than 100 sudden-death appointments.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: black;">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(16, 16, 16);">Nevertheless, Inauguration Day, 1801, proved redemptive. Jefferson’s gracious inaugural address proclaimed: “We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists.” Forgetting Federalist pranks like removing the clangers in bells to silence the celebrations, historians have hailed Jefferson’s peacemaking.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(16, 16, 16);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(16, 16, 16);">Alas, Donald Trump’s “American Carnage” address did not reach out to the majority of Americans who voted against him – and continue to oppose him. The inaugural speech kept to the tone of the troubled transition.&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(38, 38, 38);">Trump failed to reshape the narrative. The man who deftly hijacked story lines during the campaign, apparently missed the transition-and-inauguration memo.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(16, 16, 16);"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(38, 38, 38);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(38, 38, 38);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">The transition is a second campaign, or an “uncampaign,” with the president-elect shaping perceptions through real actions and defining symbols. It is also a chance to reconcile, to help Americans adjust perceptions, because most wish to “fall in like” with their leader.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(38, 38, 38);">The transition often injects humanizing tidbits about the new leader emerging, nuancing the campaign narrative. John Kennedy’s magical transition in 1960 created the model. Reporters&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Mr-Mrs-President-Trumans-Clintons/dp/0700610340" target="_blank" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=https://www.amazon.com/Mr-Mrs-President-Trumans-Clintons/dp/0700610340&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1485164364381000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEnorPkkwbh7ady0JKvZ3Z1BT6O9Q" style="color: rgb(17, 85, 204);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman';">boosted the Kennedy</span></a><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(38, 38, 38);">&nbsp;legend: the youth, the Harvardian eloquence, the Irish-Catholic wit, the famous family, the young kids – especially after John Junior’s birth on<span class="aBn" data-term="goog_1647343994" tabindex="0" style="border-bottom-width: 1px; border-bottom-style: dashed; border-bottom-color: rgb(204, 204, 204); position: relative; top: -2px; z-index: 0;"><span class="aQJ" style="position: relative; top: 2px; z-index: -1;">November 25</span></span>&nbsp;– and Jackie.&nbsp;Sixteen years later, Jimmy Carter’s transition triggered a peanuts-and-grits fest charming the country with the downhome Southernness of the first president elected from the deep south since Zachary Taylor before the Civil War.</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">&nbsp;</span><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(80, 0, 80);"></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">If as consumers Americans occasionally suffer from “buyer’s remorse,” as voters Americans usually experience “patriot’s delight” – or, more cynically, “groupie’s slavishness.” Ronald Reagan was the only president since 1960 not to enjoy at least a ten point popularity jump, because he first tried turning his razor-thin victory in 1980 into a broader “mandate.” Still, he laid the foundations for future popularity by appointing a surprisingly moderate cabinet (although surviving an assassination attempt in March, 1981 generated his first big popularity boost).</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">Donald Trump’s crackling, combative “I’m a germaphobe” press conference highlighted his failure. Trump didn’t improve his image, Kennedy- or Carter-style. While Trump’s celebrity-status made rebranding more difficult, he failed to satisfy American’s curiosity about the new leader – which, when sated, can soften perceptions. He didn’t change tone, reach out, or heal. Similarly, Trump ignored Reagan’s example, not bothering to mollify critics. Many Democrats seem even angrier – with Trump’s impulsivity and brashness confirming their fears. Rather than inviting second looks, Trump reached Inauguration Day with Democrats still resisting, encouraging futile calls to boycott the new president.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">Trump, ultimately, must learn the lesson Reagan taught in managing his own conservative supporters. When they grumbled that he turned wimpy, Reagan showed he was going to be the president of all Americans not just his fans. Trump keeps doubling-down, playing to his core, refusing to stretch. The result was a trashy transition, a polarizing inauguration, and a new president who has yet to appear presidential. A true nationalist would not just shout “America First,” but first would heal America.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">&nbsp;</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);">The stakes for Trump have increased. Having squandered the traditional transition break, having kept his aggressive tone on Inauguration Day, can he reframe perceptions during the First Hundred Days? Or, as many fear, is he just the Donald Trump he has always been, more P.T. Barnum and Richard Nixon than George Washington and Ronald Reagan, more carnival barker and thin-skinned demagogue than magnanimous statesman?</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><span style="font-size: 12pt; font-family: 'times new roman'; color: rgb(20, 20, 20);"><br></span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="margin: 0px 0px 0.0001pt; color: rgb(34, 34, 34); font-family: arial, sans-serif; font-size: 12.8px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><em style="box-sizing: inherit; font-family: NotoNashkArabic, ProximaNova-regular, 'Helvetica Neue', Helvetica, Roboto, Arial, sans-serif; font-size: 17px; line-height: 28px;">Gil Troy, a professor of history at McGill University and a visiting professor at the Ruderman Program at Haifa University, is the author of The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s, published by St. Martin’s Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg’s The Zionist Idea. Follow on Twitter @GilTroy.</em></p>
ID: 153881
Uid: 78568
Author: 36
Category: 0
Title: War, Memory, and Vietnam: An Interview with Viet Thanh Nguyen
Source:
Body: Click <a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/article/164319">here</a> for the interview.
ID: 153882
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: Trump Needs some Sage Rabbinic Advice
Source:
Body: <p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153882-main.png"></p><p><i>Gil Troy is a professor of history at McGill University and a visiting scholar in Governance Studies at the Brookings Institution for the fall of 2015. His latest book — his tenth — is </i><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1429704244&amp;sr=8-1&amp;keywords=age%20of%20clinton&amp;tag=viglink21109-20"><i>The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</i></a><i> (Thomas Dunne Books, 2015).&nbsp;</i></p><p><a href="http://tinyurl.com/necufxb"><img src="/sites/default/files/153684-clintonbookjacket.png" "="" style="float:left;margin:15px;"></a> As a presidential historian trained to see historic patterns in inaugural addresses, let me make one thing perfectly clear, as Richard Nixon used to say. With apologies to Franklin Roosevelt’s classic formulation dismissing mass fear, the only thing wrong with Donald Trump’s inaugural speech was the speech itself.</p><p>You can imagine Harry Truman or Ronald Reagan or Bill Clinton uttering at least 95 percent of the words. Line after line, phrase after phrase, could be justified, and often echoes previous addresses – albeit somewhat awkwardly. Who can dislike the hope that: “The forgotten men and women of our country will be forgotten no longer?” Who can disagree that “the nation exists to serve its citizens” or that “Americans want great schools for their children, safe neighborhoods for their families and good jobs for themselves?”</p><p>Even Trump’s most controversial phrase “This American carnage stops right here and stops right now,” is in line with many presidents who essentially said that in coming to office they were offering “A New Deal” for the “Forgotten People” (Obama, of course would have called them “folks”). True, Trump’s diagnosis was more suited to the 1970s than today, but that is not surprising: many 70-year-olds (let alone Baby Boomers) are still stuck in the sixties and seventies, still fighting those battles, seeing the world as it was, for better and worse.</p><p>What was missing from President Donald Trump’s inaugural address [my autocorrect is still resisting that grand title borne by the vulgar reality TV star] was that ineffable quality, that undefinable something, a touch of grace.&nbsp;Trump was who he is, the scrappy New Yorker with Twitterrhea.</p><p>The speech was supposed to transition, transform, elevating him – and us – from the political swamps to the peaks of American nationalism, history, destiny. Traditionally, inaugural addresses are like the new presidents, gussied up for the occasion in top hats and morning coats. But while you can dress Trump up, he still talks down. The new commander-in-chief remains the Twitterer- in-chief; he sits in Washington’s chair, but stews in the gutter.</p><p>Trump already needs an intervention – a kick in his Brioni pants to become a statesman.</p><p>Without grandeur, without moral authority, the president – and the nation – wither.</p><p>Jared Kushner should buy his father-in-law a copy of Irving (Yitz) Greenberg’s new book Sage Advice, a modern translation and commentary of the Jewish classic Pirkei Avot, Ethics of the Fathers. Rabbi Greenberg, whom I have known and revered for over 10 years, is a model academic, rabbi, and activist. His mix of scholarship, spirituality and communal leadership embodies the book’s values and illuminates his interpretation.</p><p>Reading this 1,900-year-old book, you’d think it was rushed into print after&nbsp;November 8.</p><p>The sages teach: “One who tries to inflate his reputation, loses his reputation.” A wise person “does not interrupt the words of his fellow, and does not rush to reply.... He concedes to the truth. With the boor, the reverse... is the case.” We learn that “one who is easily angered and is difficult to appease, is wicked.”</p><p>Greenberg explains: “If you are boorish and crude, you will not realize how roughly you are treating people.”</p><p>Wonder “who is strong?” The sages answer: “One who controls his impulses.” Greenberg teaches: “Weak people bear down on others whom they perceive to be weaker than they are.”</p><p>The sages celebrate silence as “a fence for wisdom.” Silence “enables listening,” our rabbi notes, while “speaking less means that one is less likely to say foolish things.”</p><p>The sages advocate restraint, humility, respect, understanding that less can be more, leading through distance. Underlying this advice is the realization Greenberg articulates when explaining why “keep away from a bad neighbor” that “people often unconsciously imitate the behavior of those with whom they associate” – and whom they follow.</p><p>America’s president sets the nation’s tone – his behavior is contagious, for better or worse.</p><p>Following the rabbis, Trump should have used his inaugural to mollify the millions who voted against him. He would have been secure enough to ignore Congressman John L. Lewis’s questioning of the election’s legitimacy. And he would not have harmed his reputation by appearing so protective of it that he couldn’t “concede the truth” that more Americans attended Obama’s inauguration.</p><p>The sages’ wise if seemingly contradictory advice for Trump’s opponents suggests: “Be yielding to a leader... and receive every man with joy.” Greenberg explains: “Be flexible and bending with a superior, who is more powerful than you.” Accepting everyone “cheerfully... is a form of respecting and honoring the other.”</p><p>Yet, “In a place where there are no men, strive to be a man,” meaning “a mentsch,”a person who does the right thing – and helps others.</p><p>Greenberg – whose advocacy for Soviet Jews, Holocaust Survivors and Orthodox feminists (with his extraordinary wife Blu) proves him to be a model mentsch – proclaims: “It is especially urgent to step up in a moral crisis situation when no one is standing up for what is right. Take responsibility.”</p><p>In short, opposition should be measured too. Rage backfires; handwringing paralyzes.</p><p>“Disputes are rarely a matter of black or white,” Greenberg explains. “Any judge who is absolutely convinced that he is right beyond question in his rulings... is either a fool or a wicked person.”</p><p>Centuries before Thomas Hobbes and John Locke, the sages understood that a social contact protects people from one another. “Pray for the well-being of the government,” they preached; “for were it not for fear [of its power], every man would swallow his fellow alive.” All Americans must accept Trump as president – respecting authority.</p><p>This disciplined humility produces ideological fluidity, rejecting partisans’ polarizing, categorical claims. Such noble suppleness would have pro-Obama Democrats nevertheless critiquing his final, obsessive Israel-bashing.</p><p>Similarly, religious Jews weaned on these ethics would critique Trump’s boorishness, even if he supports Israel. Today’s rigid, unforgiving, haughty partisanship repudiates the sages’ modest, self-critical, mutually respectful vision.</p><p>Finally, some sage warnings for Trump’s allies – including Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. “Be very careful of the governing people,” the rabbis cautioned. “They befriend a person only for their own interests.</p><p>They appear to be loving friends when they are benefiting from a person,&nbsp;but they do not stand by a person when he is struggling.”</p><p>Trump could betray Israel or break any of his campaign promises as easily as he betrayed Rudy Giuliani, Newt Gingrich and Chris Christie, who supported his campaign, only to be abandoned. Trump could “Romney” Netanyahu, courting him, encouraging expressions of fealty, then double-crossing him if Netanyahu ever disagrees with him.</p><p>These aren’t predictions, but caveats for responsible leaders in a treacherous world, during unstable times, facing a boorish president.</p><p>Ultimately, this sage advice trusts humans as creatures blessed with free will, constantly evolving, changing, choosing and, as Greenberg writes, becoming “even more responsible for bringing God’s love and care to all creatures.” Could a 70-year-old amateur president with gutter instincts transcend his flaws and grow into the grandeur of his new position? Let’s hope.</p><p><a href="null">Read original article on The Jerusalem Post.</a></p><p>The author is professor of history at McGill University and the author of 11 books. Twitter @GilTroy.</p><p>&nbsp;</p>
ID: 153883
Uid: 78608
Author: 43
Category: 0
Title: Dr. Strangelove Resurfaces
Source:
Body: <p style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153883-nuke-cloud-large.png "></p><p><i>David P. Barash is an evolutionary biologist and professor of psychology at the University of Washington; his most recent book is <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Out-Eden-Surprising-Consequences-Polygamy/dp/0190275502/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1457299288&amp;sr=8-1&amp;keywords=barash+out+of+eden">Out of Eden: The Surprising Consequences of Polygamy</a> .&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</i>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; &nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p><i>The bizarre possibility exists that under President Trump, the United States may at last get some leverage out of its nuclear arsenal.</i></p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; When President Richard Nixon’s former chief of staff, H. R. Haldeman, was waiting to begin serving a prison term for his involvement in the Watergate scandal, he wrote a memoir. In it, Haldeman described how during the 1968 presidential campaign – at the height of the Vietnam War - Nixon shared his plan to get the North Vietnamese to bend to his will. “I call it the Madman theory, Bob. … We’ll just slip the word to them that, ‘for God’s sake, you know Nixon is obsessed about Communism.&nbsp; We can’t restrain him when he is angry—and he has his hand on the nuclear button.’—and Ho Chi Minh himself will be in Paris begging for peace.” It didn’t work.</p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; As far as can be seen “it” has never worked; that is, no country’s leadership (including but not limited to the United States) has been able to manipulate the heads of other countries by the threat of nuclear annihilation. Nukes didn’t help the U.S. in Vietnam, Iraq, or Afghanistan, nor did they prevent 9/11. They didn’t inhibit Argentina from invading the Falklands/Malvinas, even though the UK had nuclear weapons and the Buenos Aires junta did not. They didn’t enable France to hold onto Algeria, nor did they contribute in any positive way to the USSR’s tribulations in Afghanistan, or assist Russia in its bloody conflicts in Chechnya, Georgia, Ukraine or Syria. They were useless to NATO in Bosnia, Serbia, Libya, and Kosovo, and they haven’t helped the U.S. in Somalia or in confronting ISIS. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; There are many reasons for this, not least that the use of nuclear weapons lacks credibility. As many strategists have lamented, it is impossible to fashion a credible threat out of an action that is literally unbelievable. The reason nuclear threats are incredible is itself multi-facetted, partly a result of the horrific and grotesquely outsized degree of “collateral damage” they entail, exceeding any reasonable ethical construct consistent with the notion of a “just war.” In addition, when directed toward another nuclear-armed nation, such a threat is typically discounted because a “first strike” would almost certainly generate a catastrophic “second strike” in retaliation (this, for better or worse – mostly worse – is at the heart of nuclear deterrence). By the same token, a police officer could not credibly stop or arrest a bank robber by threatening to detonate a backpack nuclear explosive – that would obliterate the robber, the police officer, the bank and the community. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Enter Donald Trump. Ironically, President Trump could end up endowing U.S. nuclear weapons with precisely the credibility it had previously lacked. Even Richard Nixon, with his seriously flawed personality, didn’t frighten Ho Chi Minh as a credible madman.&nbsp; But from everything one can tell about Mr. Trump, he could very well fill the bill. I am not in a position to diagnose him psychiatrically, although I strongly suspect that he is in fact mentally ill: suffering from both paranoia and narcissistic personality order, quite possibly with a dose of bipolar disease and no small degree of sociopathy. He is, in any event, undoubtedly impulsive, vindictive, egocentric and terrifyingly ill informed – particularly on nuclear issues. Hence, he may supply precisely the twisted credibility that has been lacking thus far since the bombing of Hiroshima and Nagasaki in 1945.</p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The pursuit of credibility has long bedeviled strategic doctrine. It constituted the backdrop for a breakthrough book titled <i>Nuclear Weapons and Foreign Policy, </i>written in 1957 by a then little-known academic named Henry Kissinger, and was the backbone of two lectures titled “The Political Uses of Madness” given by another young scholar – one Daniel Ellsberg - at Harvard in 1959.&nbsp; </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Worry about nuclear credibility has been the demon responsible for some of the most dangerous escalations in nuclear weaponry, such as neutron bombs, designed to kill people but to leave infrastructure intact, thereby seeming more usable in such crowded venues as Germany, once described by a senior military officer as composed of towns “only two kilotons apart.”&nbsp; Tactical battlefield nuclear weapons generally owe their development and deployment to worry that strategic nukes – intended to obliterate an adversary’s homeland – inherently lack credibility, because their use would presumably bring about an unacceptable retaliation. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Concern about credibility has also given rise to computer-based systems of “launch on warning,” which, by taking the decision to incinerate the world out of the hands of (presumably sane and thus inhibited) human beings, are designed to make their use more credible ... at the risk of being more subject to computer error or other hardware malfunction. With President Trump, the United States will be spared the need to shore up the credibility of its nuclear arsenal, even if he doesn’t follow through on his recently tweeted threat to “strengthen and expand its nuclear capability.” </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Among the many paradoxes of nuclear weapons is this: there is no way to get around the credibility skeleton that lurks in the closet of deterrence – and which renders them unusable under any rational calculus – other than by making them more usable, or by putting them in the hands of someone who is demonstrably irrational. And the more usable they are, which includes the more unstable the hands that control them, then by definition the more likely they are to be used. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; A U.S. Strategic Command report in 1995 was titled “Essentials of Post-Cold War Deterrence.” It argued that “The fact that some elements [of the nuclear command authority] may appear to be potentially ‘out of control’ can be beneficial to creating and reinforcing fears and doubts within the minds of an adversary’s decision makers. This essential sense of fear is the working force of deterrence. That the U.S. may become irrational and vindictive if its vital interests are attacked should be part of the national persona we project to all adversaries.” Got that? Out of control, irrational and vindictive, especially if his self-defined vital interests are attacked? Sound like anyone you know?</p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; North Korea’s Kim Jong-un wouldn’t likely be alarmed if President Trump sent a middle-of-the-night tweet storm his way; he might feel otherwise, however, about the possibility of a fleet of nuclear armed missiles, so alarmed in fact that he might make the “rational” decision to pre-empt such an attack.</p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; So, am I happy and relieved that Donald Trump is about to have his "finger on the nuclear button," thereby enhancing the credibility of our much-beleaguered deterrent? Not on your life.</p> <p>&nbsp;</p>
ID: 153884
Uid: 341
Author: 40
Category: 0
Title: Blacklists
Source:
Body: <p style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153884-mccarthy.png"></p><p style="text-align: center;"><span style="font-size: smaller;">Sen. Joe McCarthy</span></p><p><i>This post is by Murray Polner,&nbsp; a blogger, writer and HNN’s senior Book Department editor.</i></p> <p>I remember my older apolitical sister telling the family that her favorite high school typing- steno teacher had been fired. Why, she didn't know.</p> <p>Years later I learned that the fired teacher's Marine son had been killed on Guadalcanal. &nbsp;In the same high school my teacher of Spanish, the comedian Sam Levinson, had named his son in honor of the typing-steno teacher's dead son. Levinson was a moonlighter and wrote a column for a left-wing newspaper and came close to losing his day job after he was "exposed" by one of the for-profit rags that outed Communists, party and non-party, and all sorts of left-leaning liberals.&nbsp; He took the smart way out. I was told he paid them off so he could be "cleared" and allowed to continue teaching and telling jokes. </p> <p>Yet another of our teachers was kicked out for his political views, which, incidentally, I never heard him express in my social studies classroom. &nbsp;I did hear rumors later that he had become a milkman to support his family. </p> <p>All this--and much more--happened because the Cold War had arrived soon after Germany surrendered. It was a new postwar anti-Red world and the NYC Board of Education caved before unrelenting pressure brought by extreme rightists, unctuous and opportunistic politicians and local Hearst-owned papers. Firing experienced leftist teachers was their specialty.</p> <p>I recently ran across a brief NY Times obituary dated February 3, 2009.</p> <p>"Samuel Pines, noted mathematician and physicist, a victim of the McCarthy blacklist, whose names and reputation were cleared by the defense department after a precedent -setting legal struggle in 1955." </p> <p>I had never heard of Samuel Pines but his attempt to save himself and his reputation suggested the concomitant rise of a scurrilous and innovative network egged on by Hoover's FBI, HUAC &nbsp;and its copycats (e.g., the avenging Tenney Committee in California, which demanded college faculty members sign loyalty oaths) and an army of ex-Communists who apparently needed money and favorable publicity. </p> <p>People like Harvey Matusow, who did fairly well financially after naming more than 200 people as Reds or sympathizers in the early 1950s only to recant and later admit he lied in every instance. </p> <p>Or Martin Berkeley, an actor on Broadway and later a screenwriter, a former Communist Party member, who presented HUAC with more than one hundred names. </p> <p>"In Hollywood during the HUAC days, friend became afraid of friend," wrote Victor Navasky in his seminal 1980 book "Naming Names," adding "The&nbsp; free-floating guilt that was in the air visited the innocent--Communist and non-Communist alike." Navasky&nbsp; cited a NY Times piece by reporter Warren Hoge about the travails of the apolitical actress Mildred Dunnock, who played Willie Loman's wife in The Death of a Salesman." It neatly summed up the blacklist's sins. She couldn't find additional work because the right-wing "Red Channels," mentioned her alongside Lillian Hellman, Arthur Miller and Elia Kazan. </p> <p>"It gave me an emotional understanding of being accused," said Dunnock. "I felt contaminated. I felt I had leprosy. I felt I had incriminated my husband, a conventional man."</p> <p>She was not alone. J. Edward Bromberg, a character actor, killed himself after he was named, as did Philip Loeb, Molly Goldberg's TV husband, after he too was named. Bromberg's son, Conrad, remembered, "You didn't know who was for you or against you."</p> <p>The late Merle Miller, who wrote biographies of&nbsp; Truman and General Ike, called "Naming Names" a "book about a very dark time in our recent history. While there are those who would like to pretend it never happened, it did, and we must remember it lest we repeat it"-- an appropriate warning for our&nbsp; times. </p> <p>Clancy Sigal, a Hollywood &nbsp;agent, later blacklisted, whose agency's clients included Humphrey Bogart, Rod Steiger, Barbara Stanwyck&nbsp; and Peter Lorre, also wrote "Going Away," one of the more memorable and striking memoirs&nbsp; of that anxious era. His new sharp-eyed &nbsp;book, "Black Sunset: Hollywood Sex, Lies,&nbsp; Glamour, Betrayal, and Raging Egos" raises central questions about the dirty era of blacklisting: "In this vast cosmology of informers there are exquisite ranks, grades, reason, excuses. Do they voluntarily engage in the destruction of their friends or are they dragged unwilling.... Blackmailed? Do they take pleasure or pain from betraying? The eternal problems of guilt assigned or evaded." </p> <p>Not many dared defend the victims by challenging the Torquemadas. Far easier to simply accept the judgment of powerful people who can harm you. I remember watching a man and two women asking ordinary passersby to sign their names in favor of the Bill of Rights. It was next to the East NY Savings Bank on Pitkin Avenue in Brooklyn's Brownsville neighborhood. Only one elderly woman signed. But that was understandable given that those were the flowering of the Cold War Consensus years and &nbsp;fear of a coming nuclear war with&nbsp; Russia. There certainly were plenty of Russian spies as there were no doubt &nbsp;plenty of American spooks. But what criminal acts had Bromberg, Loeb, my high school's teachers, and Clancy Sigal, et.al. committed? At most many of the Communists and others were guilty of moral complicity for ignoring Stalin's many crimes. &nbsp;0r belonging to New Dealish left and labor groups. Or signing petitions. Or voting for Henry Wallace in 1948. Or even worse: John Gregory Dunne, the great stylist and cynic who covered Hollywood for years wrote that the imprisoned Hollywood Ten writers mainly produced--surprise! -- mediocre films. But crimes? </p> <p>The dread and silence were not broken until the '60s but not before countless numbers of famous people rushed to swear allegiance to The Land of The Free and The Home of the Brave. Like the liberal senators who co-sponsored the "Emergency Detention Act" aimed at sending "subversives" to internment camps during alleged national emergencies.</p> <p>&nbsp;I just read Spencer Woodman's&nbsp; "Intercept" article headed "Republican lawmakers in five states propose bills to criminalize peaceful protest. And, too, Frank P. Barrajas's justifiably outraged HNN piece, "Professor, You're Being Watched," describing how he and 200 other professors were named by neo-blacklisters who alleged they "discriminate against conservative students and advance leftist propaganda in the classroom."</p> <p>So what's next as we enter a new presidential administration where newly-empowered Trump men and women, some apparently seething with rage and bitterness, could go after teachers and professors, liberal actors and screenwriters for saying and writing the wrong things?&nbsp; Maybe burning their books? Or closing down some opposition newspapers and websites and reinstating loyalty oaths? 0r how about refurbishing some rendition centers in torture-friendly countries?&nbsp; I don't always agree with conservative NY Times columnist David Brooks but heartily agree with his recent warning about our country: "A mean wind is blowing."</p>
ID: 153886
Uid: 31615
Author: 19
Category: 0
Title: Marching Around the World
Source:
Body: <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">A group of local citizens took a bus all the way to Washington DC this weekend. They were a small piece of a worldwide marching movement on Saturday. Will more than a million women marching make a difference?</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">The day after the inauguration there were </span><a href="https://www.womensmarch.com/sisters/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">women’s marches</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> in all 50 states, in countries around the world, on every continent, even in Antarctica. About </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/interactive/2017/01/22/us/politics/womens-march-trump-crowd-estimates.html"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">three times as many people</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> came out in Washington DC to protest Trump’s inauguration as had celebrated it the day before.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">This worldwide demonstration began with </span><a href="http://www.popsugar.com/news/Who-Started-Women-March-Washington-42936282"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">one woman’s Facebook post</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">. Rebecca Shook in Hawaii wondered if women could march in favor of women’s rights during the inauguration. She created an event page for the march, and within 24 hours 10,000 people confirmed their participation. Shook was joined by experienced organizers who named the event the Women’s March on Washington, honoring the continuing inspiration of the 1963 civil rights protest. </span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">As the number of anticipated participants ballooned past 100,000, women across the country who could not manage a trip to Washington organized their own local marches. Over </span><a href="https://www.womensmarch.com/sisters/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">400 Sister Marches</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> took place in every state. There were more on the West Coast, because fewer people could get to DC: 45 in California, 20 in Oregon, 21 in Washington. No place in America was far from a march: there were 8 in Maine, 8 in Idaho, and 18 in Alaska. Over 1000 people gathered at the Old Capitol Plaza in </span><a href="http://www.sj-r.com/photogallery/LS/20170122/NEWS/121009997/PH/1"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Springfield</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Many protests were very local. The </span><a href="http://www.twincities.com/2017/01/20/dressed-in-black-seniors-mourn-democracy-outside-st-paul-episcopal-homes/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">80- and 90-year-olds</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt"> at my mother-in-law’s retirement complex braved the Minneapolis cold to wave signs at passing cars.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">The worldwide significance of this election was shown by the number of </span><a href="https://www.womensmarch.com/sisters/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">international</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> marches, from Australia to Austria, Botswana to Zimbabwe, 15 in the UK and 20 in Mexico. More than half a million people in the US and another half million around the world gathered in this unprecedented worldwide signal of solidarity.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Right now far more Americans </span><a href="http://www.cnn.com/2017/01/17/politics/trump-administration-approval-inauguration/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">disapprove</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt"> of Trump than like him. Not only did Clinton win far more votes than Trump, but Democratic Senate candidates won more votes than Republicans. Republican House candidates won 51% of the popular vote, but now have 55% of House members. Neither the Republican Party nor Trump won any “mandate” to remake the nation in their ideological image, but they have the votes to put into place a minority program.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">It is possible that Trump will accomplish none of the dangerous, unconstitutional, and frankly stupid things he has threatened: build a wall against Mexico, start a trade war with China, persecute women who have abortions, deport millions of undocumented people, favor Putin’s Russia over NATO, penalize media for printing unflattering but truthful stories, eliminate regulations which keep our food, water and air healthy, repeal the extension of health insurance to millions of Americans. Conservative Republicans are </span><a href="http://thehill.com/blogs/pundits-blog/the-administration/312822-6-reasons-trump-scares-many-republicans-and"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">nearly as worried</span></a><span style="font-size: 12.0pt"> as liberal Democrats about what policies Trump will promote.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Trump is dangerous in his ignorance about the world beyond his narrow circle of experience and in his disdain for reality when it seems to get in the way of his desires. His immediate response to unpleasant reality is to </span><a href="https://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2017/01/inauguration-crowd-size/514058/"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">make up lies</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">, as he and his press secretary did in claiming that his inaugural crowd was the largest ever. The new Republican Congress is dangerous in its clearly announced plans to let big business do whatever it wants, to funnel even more money to rich people, and to give away control over public resources to private corporations.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Marching is good, but not enough. Public displays of political passion certainly influence elected officials. The Republican majority in Congress can be moved by protest. That was obvious on the first day of the new Congress, when conservative Republicans tried to do away with the House Ethics Office. Protests by constituents quickly changed their minds, and they began their one-party government by </span><a href="https://www.nytimes.com/2017/01/03/us/politics/trump-house-ethics-office.html?_r=0"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">repudiating themselves</span></a><span style="font-size:12.0pt">.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">But the high emotions of the inaugural moment will fade, as we all get used to a new normal: Trump in the White House and Republicans running Congress. Pure opposition can only go so far.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Marches alone won’t stop Trump. Real political influence requires continued and widespread popular pressure in favor of positive action. Spreading truth and calling out lies, being vocal about protecting human rights, showing clearly how their policies will affect the least powerful among us, and promoting the idea that politics should support the many, not the few – that’s always been the job anyway.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">If the incredible women’s marches are the opening of a historic movement, Trump will have a hard time maintaining his fantasies about his own greatness.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Steve Hochstadt</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Jacksonville IL</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="font-size:12.0pt">Published in the Jacksonville Journal-Courier, January 24, 2017</span></p> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves/> <w:TrackFormatting/> <w:PunctuationKerning/> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:DoNotPromoteQF/> <w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther> <w:LidThemeAsian>X-NONE</w:LidThemeAsian> <w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript> <w:Compatibility> <w:BreakWrappedTables/> <w:SnapToGridInCell/> <w:WrapTextWithPunct/> <w:UseAsianBreakRules/> <w:DontGrowAutofit/> <w:SplitPgBreakAndParaMark/> <w:EnableOpenTypeKerning/> <w:DontFlipMirrorIndents/> <w:OverrideTableStyleHps/> </w:Compatibility> <m:mathPr> <m:mathFont m:val="Cambria Math"/> <m:brkBin m:val="before"/> <m:brkBinSub m:val="&#45;-"/> <m:smallFrac m:val="off"/> <m:dispDef/> <m:lMargin m:val="0"/> <m:rMargin m:val="0"/> <m:defJc m:val="centerGroup"/> <m:wrapIndent m:val="1440"/> <m:intLim m:val="subSup"/> <m:naryLim m:val="undOvr"/> </m:mathPr></w:WordDocument> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:LatentStyles DefLockedState="false" DefUnhideWhenUsed="false" DefSemiHidden="false" DefQFormat="false" DefPriority="99" LatentStyleCount="374"> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="0" QFormat="true" Name="Normal"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" QFormat="true" Name="heading 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="heading 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="heading 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="heading 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="heading 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="heading 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="heading 7"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="heading 8"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="9" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="heading 9"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index 7"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index 8"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index 9"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 7"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 8"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toc 9"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Normal Indent"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="footnote text"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="annotation text"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="header"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="footer"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="index heading"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="35" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="caption"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="table of figures"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="envelope address"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="envelope return"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="footnote reference"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="annotation reference"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="line number"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="page number"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="endnote reference"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="endnote text"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="table of authorities"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="macro"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="toa heading"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Bullet"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Number"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Bullet 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Bullet 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Bullet 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Bullet 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Number 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Number 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Number 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Number 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="10" QFormat="true" Name="Title"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Closing"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Signature"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Default Paragraph Font"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text Indent"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Continue"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Continue 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Continue 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Continue 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="List Continue 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Message Header"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="11" QFormat="true" Name="Subtitle"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Salutation"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Date"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text First Indent"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text First Indent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Note Heading"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text Indent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Body Text Indent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Block Text"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Hyperlink"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="FollowedHyperlink"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="22" QFormat="true" Name="Strong"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="20" QFormat="true" Name="Emphasis"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Document Map"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Plain Text"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="E-mail Signature"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Top of Form"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Bottom of Form"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Normal (Web)"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Acronym"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Address"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Cite"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Code"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Definition"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Keyboard"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Preformatted"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Sample"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Typewriter"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="HTML Variable"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Normal Table"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="annotation subject"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="No List"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Outline List 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Outline List 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Outline List 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Simple 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Simple 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Simple 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Classic 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Classic 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Classic 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Classic 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Colorful 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Colorful 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Colorful 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Columns 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Columns 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Columns 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Columns 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Columns 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Grid 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Grid 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Grid 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Grid 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Grid 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Grid 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Grid 7"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Grid 8"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table List 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table List 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table List 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table List 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table List 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table List 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table List 7"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table List 8"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table 3D effects 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table 3D effects 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table 3D effects 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Contemporary"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Elegant"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Professional"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Subtle 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Subtle 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Web 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Web 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Web 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Balloon Text"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" Name="Table Grid"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Table Theme"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Placeholder Text"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="1" QFormat="true" Name="No Spacing"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" Name="Revision"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="34" QFormat="true" Name="List Paragraph"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="29" QFormat="true" Name="Quote"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="30" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Quote"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="60" Name="Light Shading Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="61" Name="Light List Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="62" Name="Light Grid Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="63" Name="Medium Shading 1 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="64" Name="Medium Shading 2 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="65" Name="Medium List 1 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="66" Name="Medium List 2 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="67" Name="Medium Grid 1 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="68" Name="Medium Grid 2 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="69" Name="Medium Grid 3 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="70" Name="Dark List Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="71" Name="Colorful Shading Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="72" Name="Colorful List Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="73" Name="Colorful Grid Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="19" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Emphasis"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="21" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Emphasis"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="31" QFormat="true" Name="Subtle Reference"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="32" QFormat="true" Name="Intense Reference"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="33" QFormat="true" Name="Book Title"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="37" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Bibliography"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="39" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" QFormat="true" Name="TOC Heading"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="41" Name="Plain Table 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="42" Name="Plain Table 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="43" Name="Plain Table 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="44" Name="Plain Table 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="45" Name="Plain Table 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="40" Name="Grid Table Light"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="Grid Table 1 Light Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="Grid Table 2 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="Grid Table 3 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="Grid Table 4 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="Grid Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="Grid Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="Grid Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 1"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 2"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 3"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 4"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 5"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="46" Name="List Table 1 Light Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="47" Name="List Table 2 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="48" Name="List Table 3 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="49" Name="List Table 4 Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="50" Name="List Table 5 Dark Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="51" Name="List Table 6 Colorful Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" Priority="52" Name="List Table 7 Colorful Accent 6"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Mention"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Smart Hyperlink"/> <w:LsdException Locked="false" SemiHidden="true" UnhideWhenUsed="true" Name="Hashtag"/> </w:LatentStyles> </xml><![endif]--><!--[if gte mso 10]> <style> /* Style Definitions */ table.MsoNormalTable {mso-style-name:"Table Normal"; mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0in; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:10.0pt; font-family:"Calibri",sans-serif; mso-bidi-font-family:"Times New Roman";} </style> <![endif]-->