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ID: 153836
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: 2016 In Context: The Boomers' Civil War Continues with 2016
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Body: <div style="text-align: center;"><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/2CAUOa5m5nY" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe></div><p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="background: white;">Gil Troy is the author of&nbsp;<a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=0329800266&amp;e=ef66bbdca2"><span style="color:#414042">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</span></a>, just published by Thomas Dunne Books of St. Martin's Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg's&nbsp;The Zionist Idea.&nbsp;He is&nbsp;Professor of History at McGill University. Follow on Twitter&nbsp;<a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=d2c0486c2a&amp;e=ef66bbdca2"><span style="color:#414042">@GilTroy</span></a></span></i><o:p></o:p></p> <p class="MsoNormal"> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <o:OfficeDocumentSettings> <o:AllowPNG/> </o:OfficeDocumentSettings> </xml><![endif]--> <!--[if gte mso 9]><xml> <w:WordDocument> <w:View>Normal</w:View> <w:Zoom>0</w:Zoom> <w:TrackMoves/> <w:TrackFormatting/> <w:PunctuationKerning/> <w:ValidateAgainstSchemas/> <w:SaveIfXMLInvalid>false</w:SaveIfXMLInvalid> <w:IgnoreMixedContent>false</w:IgnoreMixedContent> <w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText>false</w:AlwaysShowPlaceholderText> <w:DoNotPromoteQF/> <w:LidThemeOther>EN-US</w:LidThemeOther> <w:LidThemeAsian>JA</w:LidThemeAsian> <w:LidThemeComplexScript>X-NONE</w:LidThemeComplexScript> <w:Compatibility> <w:BreakWrappedTables/> <w:SnapToGridInCell/> <w:WrapTextWithPunct/> <w:UseAsianBreakRules/> <w:DontGrowAutofit/> 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mso-tstyle-rowband-size:0; mso-tstyle-colband-size:0; mso-style-noshow:yes; mso-style-priority:99; mso-style-parent:""; mso-padding-alt:0in 5.4pt 0in 5.4pt; mso-para-margin:0in; mso-para-margin-bottom:.0001pt; mso-pagination:widow-orphan; font-size:12.0pt; font-family:Cambria; mso-ascii-font-family:Cambria; mso-ascii-theme-font:minor-latin; mso-hansi-font-family:Cambria; mso-hansi-theme-font:minor-latin;} </style> <![endif]--> <!--StartFragment--> <!--EndFragment--></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="mso-fareast-font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;; mso-bidi-font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:black;background:white">Three weeks from today, Americans finally will have a chance to vote for president of the United States -- hundreds of other offices on ballots across the country. As a presidential historian who has written histories of presidential campaigning, of various presidents, of First Ladies, including Hillary Clinton when she was in that symbolic role, and, most recently, of the Clintons and the 1990s in&nbsp;</span><span style="mso-fareast-font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;; mso-bidi-font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;"><a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage1.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=2b646928fb&amp;e=ef66bbdca2"><span style="color:#414042;background:white">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</span></a><span style="color:black;background:white">, every day until Election Day&nbsp;I will post an article putting this election in historical context, trying to explain this wild and wacky race using history as our guide. So here it goes, with hashtag&nbsp;#2016incontext</span></span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26); background-color: white;">Even though Barack Obama’s triumph over Hillary Clinton and John McCain in 2008 was supposed to empower the Gen-Xers, the Baby Boomer generation set the agenda in 2016, once again. But despite impressions that Boomers think, act, and vote alike from the left side of the aisle, this campaign pivots around two inner civil wars that have repeatedly divided this obnoxiously-influential generation, born between 1946 and 1960.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">The clash between 68-year-old Hillary Rodham Clinton and 74-year-old Bernie Sanders pitted radicals who wanted to provoke change from the outside versus more pragmatic liberals who wanted to foster change from within.&nbsp; And the even greater divide between the two leading Democrats and 70-year-old Donald Trump highlights that generation’s true hidden fault line. With his demagogic instincts, Trump is exploiting half-a-century’s worth of resentments built up by the silent majority who in the 1960s and 1970s were more likely to be washing their cars, worshiping Elvis, and voting for Richard Nixon, then burning their draft cards, listening to Bob Dylan, and voting for George McGovern.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">Bernie Sanders’ attack on Hillary Clinton as a pragmatic sell-out showed how much she and the country have changed. In her youth, Hillary Rodham broke with her college senior thesis subject, the subversive community organizer Saul Alinsky. In her memoirs she described their “fundamental disagreement. He believed you could change the system only from the outside. I didn’t.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26); text-indent: 48pt;">Even while attending Yale Law School, moving to Arkansas, marrying Bill Clinton, and becoming the reluctant First Lady of Arkansas, Hillary Clinton generated a more radical vibe than her husband. In the 1992 campaign, Republicans attacked her as the family fanatic, the true believer who revealed the real, militant, Bill Clinton hiding behind his New Democrat, Good ole’ boy mask.&nbsp; Republicans’ caricaturing of her as “The Winnie Mandela of Little Rock,” both shrewish and extremist, forced the Clinton campaign to sideline her and repackage her.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">In fact, Hillary Clinton was doing what she had been doing since she broke with Alinsky: remaining a liberal while functioning in a newly Reaganized America. Still, this Methodist feminist, this moralistic hippie preaching a gospel of individual accountability and governmental social responsibility, has consistently synthesized two American ideological archetypes, the Puritan and the Progressive. At her best, she combines the Puritan’s sobriety, self-control, and social discipline with the Progressive’s generosity, idealism, and social engineering. Today, she champions that balance by calling herself “a progressive who gets things done.”</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">By contrast, Sanders is the purist who refused to “sell out.” Of course, he was never as radical as the Weathermen, nor as drugged out as some hippies. He went mainstream enough to get elected repeatedly, albeit in the People’s Republic of Vermont. Still, he has always been more gadfly than gladhander, more independent than insider. His tradition is that of a Populist purist like William Jennings Bryan rather than centrist Democrats like William Jefferson Clinton – or Franklin D. Roosevelt, who knew how to compromise.&nbsp; To speak Sixties-speak, Sanders is still yelling “Power to the people,” as the Clintons became the people wielding power.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">For all their differences, and despite Sanders’ pre-Boomer birth in 1941, both Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders fit the usual political profile of Baby Boomers as “movement” liberals who forged their progressive ideology fighting for civil rights and against Vietnam.&nbsp; With their characteristic arrogance, they and their allies universalized their elite minority “counterculture” assault on tradition as generational.&nbsp; This narrative ignores the other side of the Sixties. Through the 1970s, less than 27 percent of 18-to-24-year-olds even enrolled in degree-granting institutions. On campus, more students had their lives defined by parietals – dormitory restrictions on coed visitation – than protests, and were more likely to sing “Sugar, Sugar” by the Archies, then “We Shall Overcome.” Ugly moments like the Kent State shootings in May 1970, pitted Baby Boomer marchers against Baby Boomer National Guardsman. In 1972, 52 percent of voters under 30 voted for Richard Nixon; only 48 percent voted for George McGovern.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">Today, conservative Baby Boomers like Newt Gingrich, George W. Bush, Mitt Romney, and Donald Trump are not recovering radicals; they were of the mainstream culture the counter-culture countered. Even if some “turned on,” they never “tuned in” or “dropped out.” Trump, for one, cashed in and cashed out. And it wasn’t only old Archie Bunker types yelling “America: Love it or Leave it,” millions of Baby Boomers yelled that too.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">Culturally, all these politicians, except perhaps Sanders, were considered “Yuppies” by the 1980s, with that characteristic mix of Baby Boomer self-involvement even when they were being selfless, and self-promotion even when doing the most mundane things. But politically, the counterculture types might be best understood as “Adversarial Insiders.”&nbsp;When the literary critic Lionel Trilling described the “adversary culture” in 1965 as the “legitimization of the subversive,” or&nbsp;three years later, when he spoke of “modernism in the streets,” these Guerilla Careerists seemed unlikely to become America’s new establishment. By conquering the academy, the media, the courts, and the Democratic Party, they transformed America. Building on the 1960s’ rebellions, the 1970s’ implosions, and the 1980s’ recalibrations, these Adversarial Insiders -- including Mayor, Congressman, then, Senator Sanders -- &nbsp;made American democracy more horizontal, more accessible, less hierarchical, more informal, less bigoted. Their opponents, Provincial Outsiders, more rooted in their local contexts, preferred America’s solid, traditional, provincial past to its liquid, ever-changing, cosmopolitan present.&nbsp;</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">The generational fissures continued even as the Sixties and Seventies ended. In 1992, only 41 percent of Bill Clinton’s generational cohort – the 30-to-49 year olds -- voted for him, two percent less than his 43 percent of the overall popular vote. Polls found that only 41 percent of the women Hillary Clinton’s age felt closer to her lifestyle and values; 47 percent of those born between 1943 and 1962 did not. In the 1990s and the 1960s, like today, class identity proved more powerful than a media-generated fantasy about a cohesive generation of lefties arising.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">The Sixties’ liberating revolutions assailed consensus-building structures like family, community, and country. The pace of technological, demographic, ideological, and economic change accelerated wildly in the 1990s. The digital revolution connected computers to the Internet but disconnected millions from real contact with one another. The rainbowing of America had the country absorbing millions of different immigrants. The mass gender bender transformed sex roles and family relations. The Information Age boom prized individuality and indulgence. The contingency carnival celebrated all this choice and change. The tablets had been smashed—traditional scripts trashed—frequently replaced with much shopping and mass confusion</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">In liquid America, flexibility, fluidity, immediacy, impulse, individuality, and consumerism trump solidity, tradition, patience, responsibility, and communalism.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">Today, America risks becoming a Republic of Nothing, with everything up for grabs, few core assumptions accepted, and family, responsibility, community, tradition weakened. Nevertheless, Clinton and company in the 1990s also pioneered a new, more embracing, world, a Republic of Everything, a kinder, gentler, pluralistic place welcoming people who deviated from once rigid norms. This new openness would be apparent under the conservative George W. Bush, whose Cabinet “looked like America” less self-consciously than Clinton’s, including Colin Powell as America’s first African-American secretary of state. This new world emerged most dramatically on Election Night, 2008, when many Republicans joined Democrats in cheering Barack Obama’s election as a national redemptive moment.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">In many ways, both Donald Trump and Hillary Clinton are Borderline candidates, flouting rules, juggling identities, shifting moods. Today, fewer American know what we&nbsp;stand&nbsp;for in our Republic of Nothing – even as many appreciate our new, open, pluralistic Republic of Everything. Our mainstream media tells us what we are not – against racism, sexism, authority. But these new nihilists encourage cynicism not idealism, as our technologies encourage individuation not cooperation.&nbsp; Being tolerant is a foreign policy not a national mission statement. Clinton and Trump must help this increasingly diverse America, this wonderful, welcoming Republic of Everything, rebuild a consensus around core values, key ideals, so ours once again is a Republic of Something not Nothing, passing the “Richard&nbsp;Stands” test, the schoolkid’s misstatement of the Pledge of Allegiance line, “for which it&nbsp;stands.” As the model liberal nationalist venture, a country founded on core ideals, America has long stood for something, even if imperfectly implemented. “Life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness,” were meaningful guideposts in the McGuffey Readers era, when nineteenth-century students memorized defining American texts to try fulfilling American ideals.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">In a complicated, multi-dimensional, pluralistic democracy like America’s, individual voters balance conflicting generational, social, economic, ethnic, geographic, ideological strains. It helps to be sensitive to the generational dynamic in politics. The Constitution itself was written by what one historian called “the young men of the Revolution,” those more defined by the frustrations of fighting the Revolutionary War with limited national power than their elders who initiated the rebellion against King George’s executive power. The 1860 election had young men post-revolution, proud Americans born after Thomas Jefferson’s presidency like Abraham Lincoln who defeated the older, staid, don’t rock the boat, statesman John Bell, born during George Washington’s tenure in 1796.&nbsp; In 1896, even though he didn’t win, the 36-year-old William Jennings Bryan triggered a changing of the guard from Civil War veterans like Brigadier General Benjamin Harrison and Major William McKinley, who grew up with a weaker central government and campaigned by repeatedly “waving the bloody shirt” of war. By growing up in a post-Civil War America that was more united and more powerful, Bryan and his rivals Theodore Roosevelt, William Howard Taft, and Woodrow Wilson all agreed on the need for a more powerful presidency. And in both 1960 and 1992, John Kennedy, then Bill Clinton, fashioned their campaigns as crusades to unseat an older generation and seize the torch of leadership for their more dynamic, forward-looking peers.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">Then as now, it helps to track generational tensions without conjuring a generational straitjacket. Yet, predictably, whoever wins, Baby Boomers on the Left will continue debating whether insiders or outsiders can best advance their progressive agenda. And whoever wins, the media will continuing defining Boomers as lefties, thus feeding the ever-growing resentments of those from the Other Side of the 60s, whose fury against the “McGoverniks” intensifies the more they are ignored – an anger Donald Trump, as one of them, stokes brilliantly.</span></p> <!--EndFragment-->
ID: 153837
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: 2016 in Context: 10 Clinton Moments We Wish We Could Forget
Source:
Body: <i style="text-align: start;">Gil Troy is the author of&nbsp;<a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=3cda1df19d&amp;e=ef66bbdca2">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</a>, just published by Thomas Dunne Books of St. Martin's Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg's&nbsp;The Zionist Idea.&nbsp;He is&nbsp;Professor of History at McGill University. Follow on Twitter&nbsp;<a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=cea83c316a&amp;e=ef66bbdca2">@GilTroy</a>&nbsp;</i><p></p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153837-book.png"></p><p><b style="color: rgb(27, 26, 26); font-family: georgia, serif; font-size: 19px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Click&nbsp;<a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/author/4" style="outline: 0px; color: rgb(65, 64, 66); -webkit-transition: all 0.2s linear; transition: all 0.2s linear;">HERE</a>&nbsp;for more installments of 2016 In Context: &nbsp;Gil Troy's commentary on the closing days of the election.</b></p><p><i>Three weeks from today, Americans finally will have a chance to vote for president of the United States -- hundreds of other offices on ballots across the country. As a presidential historian who has written histories of presidential campaigning, of various presidents, of First Ladies, including Hillary Clinton when she was in that symbolic role, and, most recently, of the Clintons and the 1990s in&nbsp;<a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=2694c2f97b&amp;e=ef66bbdca2">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</a>, every day until Election Day&nbsp;I will post an article putting this election in historical context, trying to explain this wild and wacky race using history as our guide. So here it goes, with hashtag&nbsp;#2016incontext&nbsp;</i></p><p>As Hillary Clinton runs for president,&nbsp;although as I argued in Time last week, she should resurrect her&nbsp;huband’s&nbsp;centrism,&nbsp;she&nbsp;should not&nbsp;promise “more of the same” regarding her husband’s presidency.&nbsp;The Nineties were a great decade of peace and&nbsp;prosperity,&nbsp;and Bill Clinton’s presidency&nbsp;had many highlights. But no one wants a rerun – especially of these low points&nbsp;of Bill Clinton’s presidency,&nbsp;as described in my&nbsp;book,&nbsp;<i><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1429704244&amp;sr=8-1&amp;keywords=age+of+clinton">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</a>&nbsp;</i>.&nbsp;</p><p>I know we have reached the point in the campaign where Dems have no patience for any criticism of their candidate – so, don’t worry – tomorrow I will send out 10 highlights from the Clinton years!&nbsp;</p><p><b>1.&nbsp;Troopergate, Christmas, 1993.&nbsp;</b></p><p>In December, 1993, as the rookie president and his First Lady hosted rounds of Christmas parties, the Clintons were rocked&nbsp;by detailed accusations, leaked by Arkansas state troopers to CNN and the&nbsp;<i>American Spectator</i>,&nbsp;describing&nbsp;an adulterous governor&nbsp;with countless conquests including one named “Paula,” always&nbsp;trying to dodge his foul-mouthed, sexually-frustrated wife. &nbsp;As&nbsp;they&nbsp;scrambled to defend their boss, one Clinton aide admitted, “I think I'm going to throw up.”&nbsp;</p><p><b>2. MTV: “Briefs” not Boxers&nbsp;&nbsp;</b></p><p>As the first Baby Boomer president, Bill Clinton was a lot less discrete than his predecessors. On April 19, 1994, when asked during an MTV-sponsored town hall, “Is it boxers or briefs,” Clinton chuckled, and broadcast his underwear preference: “Usually briefs.” Not surprisingly, during this decade, use of the acronym “TMI” became widespread.&nbsp;</p><p><b>3. Failing to stop the Rwanda genocide&nbsp;</b></p><p>In April, 1994, the Rwandan Armed Forces and Hutu militias started slaughtering Tutsis and moderate Hutu politicians. Through mid-July, the frenzied butchery would continue, until French military intervention and the Tutsi-dominated Rwanda Patriotic Front (RPF) ended the mass murder. As more than 800,000 people, constituting three-quarters of the Tutsi population died, with countless others raped, brutalized, tortured, Bill Clinton dithered. His spokespeople bickered with reporters, refusing to condemn the mass murders as “genocide.” Legally, the formal designation would have compelled intervention. Four years later, Bill Clinton apologized, biting his lip to telegraph sincerity and taking “responsibility.”</p><p><b>4.&nbsp;National Homeownership Strategy&nbsp;in 1995 contributes to the 2008 crash&nbsp;</b></p><p>With the best of intentions, President Clinton and his Housing Secretary Henry Cisneros launched&nbsp;a National Homeownership Strategy&nbsp;in June, 1995.&nbsp;By judging institutions by&nbsp;how many mortgages they approved, especially for minority buyers, the Administration bullied&nbsp;banks and other lenders to lower their standards. Unfortunately,&nbsp;easy credit inflated housing prices&nbsp;and burdened many poor people with unmanageable mortgages.&nbsp;Thirteen years later, during&nbsp;George W. Bush’s presidency, many bad&nbsp;mortgages, bundled into vulnerable mortgage-backed securities, would help crash the economy, making the 2008 recession a bipartisan achievement. Cisneros&nbsp;later&nbsp;admitted&nbsp;that “people came to homeownership who should not have been homeowners.”&nbsp;He confessed: “families are hurt because we as a society did not draw a line…. We were trying to be creative.”</p><p><b>5.&nbsp;The mysterious reappearance of the Rose Law Firm billing records – in the Clintons’ private book room.&nbsp;</b></p><p>In a cruel twist–or a fumbled manipulation--on January 5, 1996,&nbsp;just as Hillary Clinton was launching her nationwide book tour for&nbsp;<i>It Takes A Village</i>,&nbsp;the Clintons’&nbsp;private&nbsp;secretary Carolyn Huber announced she had stumbled onto&nbsp;missing&nbsp;records  in the Clintons’ “book room.” Five investigative bodies had requested the&nbsp;billing&nbsp;records&nbsp;from Hillary’s&nbsp;old Rose Law Firm, to see&nbsp;how involved she had been in legal cases connected to the Clintons’ failed real estate investment, Whitewater.&nbsp;The records suddenly appeared&nbsp;two days after the statute of limitations expired&nbsp;on one aspect of the case, the $60 million bankruptcy of Madison Guaranty, a failed Savings and Loan. The records showed more involvement in the bank’s affairs than Mrs. Clinton remembered, billing sixty hours over&nbsp;fifteen months.</p><p><b>6. Turning the White House into “Motel 1600” to raise campaign funds from celebrities – and mysterious Chinese&nbsp;donors.&nbsp;</b></p><p>While running for reelection in 1996, Clinton's subtle but obvious peddling of&nbsp;access for political contributions&nbsp;had critics calling the White House “Motel 1600.”&nbsp;The quid pro quo was not unprecedented; the&nbsp;Clintonian&nbsp;brazenness and scale were. One-hundred-and-three White House coffees raised $26.4 million, averaging $54,000 per Danish eaten. Lincoln Bedroom sleepovers pulled in at least $100,000 per night.&nbsp;In 1997, allegations that&nbsp;Chinese agents had contributed generously&nbsp;to the Clinton campaign&nbsp;embarrassed the&nbsp;Democratic National Committee&nbsp;into&nbsp;returning&nbsp;$2,825,600 in&nbsp;improper donations.&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p><b>7. Trying to prove he was not a “McGovernik” liberal, Clinton&nbsp;enraged his gay allies by signing the Defense of Marriage Act in September, 1996.&nbsp;&nbsp;</b></p><p>DoMA&nbsp;defined&nbsp;marriage as heterosexual, while permitting states&nbsp;to disregard gay marriages from other states.&nbsp;“[I]f there are people here who don’t like it,” Clinton snapped, “well, I’ve created seven and a half million new jobs and maybe it’s time for them to go out and take some of them.”&nbsp;&nbsp;</p><p>Embarrassed nonetheless.&nbsp;Clinton signed the law at 12:50 AM, without photographers. He ignored this craven moment in his memoirs, and later endorsed overturning&nbsp;DoMA.&nbsp;</p><p><b>8.&nbsp;“I did not have sexual relations with that woman, Miss Lewinsky.”&nbsp;</b></p><p>Rumors&nbsp;in January 1998 of a presidential affair with a White House intern prompted&nbsp;a series of increasingly clear denials, culminating with Clinton’s&nbsp;infamous, finger-wagging proclamation:&nbsp;“I did not have sexual relations with that woman, Miss Lewinsky.”&nbsp;As the scandal grew – and triggered political&nbsp;and legal headaches for Clinton --&nbsp;he also&nbsp;dodged a question during sworn testimony by saying “it depends what the meaning of the word is, is.” Ultimately, a stained blue dress proved that Clinton was guilty of adultery, and of lying to the American people. Fortunately for him, the Republican witchhunt against him triggered its own backlash and saved Clinton, although he was impeached.&nbsp;</p><p><b>9. The Lewinsky scandal, along with a nationwide refusal to take seriously the threats of Islamist terrorism, tragically set the stage for 9/11.&nbsp;</b></p><p>In&nbsp;August, 1998, as proof of Clinton’s deceit materialized, Osama Bin Laden’s al Qaida terrorists bombed two American embassies in Africa. On August&nbsp;20, three days after Clinton’s testy grand jury testimony&nbsp;in the Lewinsky matter, the US military fired more than 75 Tomahawk cruise missiles at targets in Afghanistan and the Sudan. The barrage missed bin Laden by a few hours, probably due to Pakistani intelligence leaks. Bin Laden survived.&nbsp; The resulting controversy over the attack on the Al-Shifa pharmaceutical&nbsp;factory in Khartoum inhibited Clinton&nbsp;when other opportunities arose.&nbsp;Captured Islamist terrorists subsequently admitted that America’s passivity emboldened&nbsp;them.&nbsp;</p><p><b>10. Even in the final moments of what Clinton had promised would be the “most ethical administration” in “history,” when both Clintons should have learned the importance of acting and appearing upright, their sloppy ethics and sense of entitlement again trumped good sense.&nbsp;</b></p><p>Bill Clinton issued 176 pardons and sentence commutations, with many of the parolees&nbsp;like Marc Rich&nbsp;enjoying special access to him. Meanwhile, Hillary Clinton accepted $190,027 worth of gifts to help fill&nbsp;&nbsp;their two new houses, while taking some furniture donors had deeded to the White House. Bill Clinton, a brilliant politician, clearly was morally tone deaf and personally hollow; while his wife was often co-conspirator, not just victim or enabler.&nbsp;</p>
ID: 153838
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: 2016 In Context: 10 Clinton Moments to Remember
Source:
Body: <p><i>Gil Troy, Professor of History at McGill University, is the author of </i><a href="https://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</a><i>, published by St. Martin’s Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg’s The Zionist Idea. Follow on Twitter @GilTroy.</i></p><p><img></p> <p style="text-align: center;"><i><iframe width="560" height="315" src="https://www.youtube.com/embed/YqB7UEdhKug" frameborder="0" allowfullscreen=""></iframe>&nbsp;</i></p><p><b style="color: rgb(27, 26, 26); font-family: georgia, serif; font-size: 19px; background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Click&nbsp;<a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/author/4" style="outline: 0px; color: rgb(65, 64, 66); transition: all 0.2s linear; -webkit-transition: all 0.2s linear;">HERE</a>&nbsp;for more installments of 2016 In Context: &nbsp;Gil Troy's commentary on the closing days of the election.</b></p><p><i>Three weeks from today, Americans finally will have a chance to vote for president of the United States -- hundreds of other offices on ballots across the country. As a presidential historian who has written histories of presidential campaigning, of various presidents, of First Ladies, including Hillary Clinton when she was in that symbolic role, and, most recently, of the Clintons and the 1990s in&nbsp;</i><a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=2694c2f97b&amp;e=ef66bbdca2"><i>The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</i></a><i>, every day until Election Day&nbsp;I will post an article putting this election in historical context, trying to explain this wild and wacky race using history as our guide. So here it goes, with hashtag&nbsp;#2016incontext&nbsp;</i></p><p><i>As Hillary Clinton runs for president, I believe, as I argued in</i>&nbsp;Time&nbsp;<i>last week, that she should resurrect her</i>&nbsp;<a href="http://time.com/4540657/hillary-clinton-centrism/">husband’s centrism</a><i>, trying to recreate some of the succeses of her husband’s presidency. The Nineties were a great decade of peace and prosperity, and Bill Clinton’s presidency had many highlights, as described in my book,</i>&nbsp;<a href="http://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1429704244&amp;sr=8-1&amp;keywords=age+of+clinton">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</a>&nbsp;.</p><p><i>I know we have reached the point in the campaign where partisans have no patience to read anything good about their opponents or bad about their hero/heroine -- so, buckle your seatbelts,&nbsp;tomorrow&nbsp;I look at why Hillary Clinton is so hated and distrusted. The day after I will look at the great highs and lows of Donald Trump's public service record.&nbsp;</i></p><p> 1. Playing “your momma&nbsp;don’t&nbsp;dance” on the sax with Ben E. King at the 1993 Inaugural Ball</p><p>2.&nbsp; Martin Luther King memorial Memphis&nbsp;speech&nbsp; (11/13/1993)</p><p>When Bill Clinton confronted&nbsp;blacks about crime&nbsp;– inviting them to work together on crime as a values challenge because blacks where disproportionately victimized by crime. Clinton’s candor and openness helped defuse the racial tensions around the problem and helped lead to the 1994 Crime Bill and today’s far lower crime rate.</p><p>3. &nbsp;Little Rock healing (1997)</p><p>When President Clinton&nbsp;and Governor Mike Huckabee, a Democrat and a Republican,&nbsp;greeted the Little Rock 9 at the Schoolhouse door, 40 years after they had been blocked from entering by segregationists.&nbsp;</p><p> <a href="https://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728 "><img src="/sites/default/files/153838-book.png" "="" style="float:left;margin:15px;"></a> 4.&nbsp;When President Clinton&nbsp;delivered his health care speech extemporaneously because the teleprompter scrolled the wrong text&nbsp;– wowing reporters and Republicans with his command of the facts. At the time, it looked like some version of Health Care&nbsp;Reform&nbsp;would&nbsp;be passed easily.</p><p>5.&nbsp;1993 The&nbsp;Budget bill passing, building in fairness, on George H.W. Bush’s controversial tax cuts, the 1993 bill helped lead&nbsp;to&nbsp;the boom of the 1990s and the&nbsp;magical&nbsp;moment when the Federal Budget Deficit was projected to be 0 – after billions in deficits over the years.&nbsp;</p><p>6.&nbsp;Hosting Nelson Mandela in 1994 – helping the world heal from Apartheid and America do penance for being slow to defend South African blacks and colored and mixed races – and whites – all of whom suffered under the Apartheid regime.</p><p>7.&nbsp;After the Oklahoma City bombing, Clinton led the mourning, visiting the site on April 23, 1995, along with the First Lady, saying so&nbsp;eloquently,&nbsp;&nbsp;“Their legacy must be our lives”&nbsp;– and proving that he was relevant as president, even after the 1994 loss of Congress.&nbsp;</p><p>8.&nbsp;When Bill Clinton&nbsp;presided at Yitzhak Rabin’s funeral and said “Shalom&nbsp;chaver”&nbsp;– doing his best to preserve the peace process – although note that in his memoirs, as much as he mourns Rabin’s murder, Clinton makes it clear that he blames Yasser Arafat and Hamas for rejecting peace negotiations and turning toward failure, remembering that in the last days of his presidency, when Arafat tried flattering him as a “very great man” Clinton yelled “I’m a failure&nbsp;..&nbsp;.because&nbsp;of you.” Clinton and his people wanted Arafat to be the Mandela of the Middle East, instead, he was the Arafat of the Middle East.</p><p>9.&nbsp;When President Clinton&nbsp;and&nbsp;Vice President&nbsp;Al Gore helped install 6 million feet of computer cables into 3,000 classrooms.&nbsp;Clinton&nbsp;and Gore wanted a national fiber optic infrastructure to make this new world broadly accessible as it changed the way Americans shopped, learned, interacted, and thought.</p><p>10.&nbsp;When he and the First Lady&nbsp;visited the AIDS Quilt in October 1996.&nbsp;In this emerging Republic of Everything, society was becoming much more welcoming and pluralistic. Gays became increasingly accepted, demonstrated by the Clintons’ visit to the massive AIDS quilt unfurled on the National Mall.&nbsp;</p><div><br></div>
ID: 153839
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: 2016 In Context: Donald Trump's Best - And Worst - Moments in Public Service
Source:
Body: <p class="MsoNormal"><b style="font-family: georgia, serif; font-size: 19px; line-height: 26.88px; color: rgb(27, 26, 26); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><i style="color: rgb(0, 0, 0); font-family: -webkit-standard; font-weight: normal;"><span style="font-size: 14pt;">Gil Troy, professor of history at McGill University, is the author of The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s, published by St. Martin’s Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg’s The Zionist Idea. Follow on Twitter @GilTroy.</span></i></b></p><p class="MsoNormal" style="text-align: center;"><b style="font-family: georgia, serif; font-size: 19px; line-height: 26.88px; color: rgb(27, 26, 26); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153839-153839-trump.png"></b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><b style="font-family: georgia, serif; font-size: 19px; line-height: 26.88px; color: rgb(27, 26, 26); background-color: rgb(255, 255, 255);">Click&nbsp;<font color="#414042"><span style="transition: all 0.2s linear;"><a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/author/4">HERE</a></span></font>&nbsp;for more installments of 2016 In Context: &nbsp;Gil Troy's commentary on the closing days of the election.</b></p><p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="background: white;">Three weeks from today, Americans finally will have a chance to vote for president of the United States -- hundreds of other offices on ballots across the country. As a presidential historian who has written histories of presidential campaigning, of various presidents, of First Ladies, including Hillary Clinton when she was in that symbolic role, and, most recently, of the Clintons and the 1990s in&nbsp;</span></i><a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=2694c2f97b&amp;e=ef66bbdca2"><i><span style="mso-fareast-font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;mso-bidi-font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;; color:#414042;background:white">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</span></i></a><i><span style="background: white;">, every day until Election Day&nbsp;I will post an article putting this election in historical context, trying to explain this wild and wacky race using history as our guide. So here it goes, with hashtag&nbsp;#2016incontext&nbsp;</span></i></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34); background-color: white;">Having looked back at the 1990s, listing the ten best and ten worst Clinton moments in public service, let's look at Hillary Clinton's rival, Donald Trump through a similar lens.</span></p><p class="MsoNormal"><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34); background-color: white;"><b>TRUMP'S BEST MOMENTS IN PUBLIC SERVICE</b></span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">1. In 1986, after years of delays and cost overruns, Donald Trump stepped in and promised to</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">&nbsp;</span><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/1986/05/31/nyregion/trump-offers-to-rebuild-skating-rink.html" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=http://www.nytimes.com/1986/05/31/nyregion/trump-offers-to-rebuild-skating-rink.html&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1478167757794000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGmsIZxzgfn34w3zzxYZmIL12PAAw"><span style="color:#1155CC">rebuild Wollman skating rink in Central Park</span></a><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">. &nbsp; Trump embarrassed city officials and New York's sclerotic bureaucracy by coming in</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">&nbsp;</span><a href="http://www.forbes.com/sites/offwhitepapers/2015/08/24/donald-trump-and-the-wollman-rinking-of-american-politics/#6922521726b2" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=http://www.forbes.com/sites/offwhitepapers/2015/08/24/donald-trump-and-the-wollman-rinking-of-american-politics/%236922521726b2&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1478167757795000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEm6OwLnTxOS5EbbIs5JMd9rf5F3A"><span style="color:#1155CC">under budget</span></a><span class="apple-converted-space" style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">&nbsp;</span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">and in less time than expected.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">2.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">3.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">4.&nbsp;<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">5.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">6.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">7.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">8.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">9.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">10.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">Yes, nothing else! He has no real resume in public service, never having run for office before.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);"><b>TRUMP'S WORST MOMENTS IN PUBLIC SERVICE</b></span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background:white"><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">1. In 2015 and 2016, facing an electorate that is far more diverse than the one he was born into, Donald Trump nevertheless makes a series of statements that offended various groups, fueling a nasty, divisive presidential campaign.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">2.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">3.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">4.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">5.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">6.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">7.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">8.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">9.<br></span><span style="color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">10. You get the point.... (note the one advantage here -- no experience in public service, no harm done til now!)</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><o:p>&nbsp;</o:p></p> <!--EndFragment-->
ID: 153840
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: 2016 In Context: Understanding "Clintipathy" ... A Pathological Hatred of the Clintons
Source: Time Magazine
Body: <p><b>Gil Troy</b> is the author of <i>The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</i>, just published by Thomas Dunne Books of St. Martin's Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg's <i>The Zionist Idea</i>. He is Professor of History at McGill University. Follow on Twitter @GilTroy</p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153840-1.png"></p><p><b>Click&nbsp;<a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/author/4">HERE</a>&nbsp;for more installments of 2016 In Context: &nbsp;Gil Troy's commentary on the closing days of the election.</b></p><p><i>Three weeks from today, Americans finally will have a chance to vote for president of the United States -- hundreds of other offices on ballots across the country. As a presidential historian who has written histories of presidential campaigning, of various presidents, of First Ladies, including Hillary Clinton when she was in that symbolic role, and, most recently, of the Clintons and the 1990s in&nbsp;</i><a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=2694c2f97b&amp;e=ef66bbdca2"><i>The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</i></a><i>, every day until Election Day&nbsp;I will post an article putting this election in historical context, trying to explain this wild and wacky race using history as our guide. So here it goes, with hashtag&nbsp;#2016incontext&nbsp;</i></p><p>News of the FBI’s investigation of more&nbsp;<a href="http://time.com/4549527/hillary-clinton-emails-fbi-reopen/">Hillary Clinton emails&nbsp;</a>isn’t just a bombshell—it’s a guided missile to her Achilles heel:&nbsp;<a href="http://www.theatlantic.com/politics/archive/2016/09/clinton-trust-sexism/500489/">her trust gap</a>&nbsp;with the American people. And these assaults on her integrity are partially reasonable and partially unfair. Twenty years of&nbsp;<a href="http://time.com/3817687/hillary-clinton-time-covers/">irrational Clinton-bashing</a>&nbsp;has shrunk popular trust in Hillary Clinton but in their Shakespearean relationship with the American people,&nbsp;<a href="http://time.com/3968132/bill-clinton-george-bush-interview/">Bill</a>&nbsp;and Hillary Clinton’s moral blindspot has often justified some of the doubts.</p><p>Since the 1990s, Bill and Hillary Clinton have faced what we can call “<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728">Clintipathy</a>“—a pathological hatred for them rooted in their roles as symbols of the Hippie Sixties and Yuppie Eighties. Hillary Clinton has benefited from many of the changes she and her peers initiated in making America more open, more egalitarian, more critical, more liberal. But as such a lightning rod, she’s made herself and her fellow cultural revolutionaries polarizing figures.<br></p><p><a href="http://time.com/4258976/disliking-hillary-clinton/">Old-fashioned sexism compounds this culture clash</a>. Despite all her achievements, Hillary Clinton still faces many of the double standards imposed on women. Donald Trump—and Bill Clinton—often get away with half-truths and outright embellishments, enjoying a kind of hall pass reserved for roguish but charming football team captains. Meanwhile, many hold Mrs. Clinton to higher standards, treating her unfairly as the schoolmarmish, substitute teacher.</p><p>At the same time, if paranoids can have enemies, just because the Clintons have antagonists doesn’t mean they’re innocent. Hillary Clinton is responsible for the email mess and other ethical tangles, too. Given the hostility, she should have avoided even appearances of impropriety. But, it seems the very scrutiny she wanted to avoid led her into this moral chasm with her private server. Hillary Clinton seems to have been so traumatized by all the revelations in the 1990s, from publicizing the Clintons’ finances to exposing so many sexual intimacies during the Monica Lewinsky and Paula Jones scandals, that when she became Secretary of State she sought to preserve her “zone of privacy.” Tragically, Secretary Clinton’s very desire not to have Judicial Watch and other opponents peer into every interaction caused the shoddy behavior that has us all poring over exponentially more of her exchanges.</p><p>Beyond this self-destructive paranoia, the Clintons have cut corners elsewhere, conveying a sense of entitlement, then lying about it. When caught, they have often justified their lapses with a characteristically Boomer self-righteousness, demanding absolution by invoking their idealism. Alice Roosevelt Longworth said President Warren Harding wasn’t a bad man, just a slob; the Clintons have been slobs, too. The march of mini-scandals in the White House was exhausting: the&nbsp;<a href="http://time.com/3738967/hillary-clinton-whitewater/">Whitewater</a>&nbsp;financial shenanigans; the cover up after the Travel Office firings; the documents flying out of&nbsp;<a href="http://www.dailymail.co.uk/news/article-3753013/Missing-FBI-files-linking-Hillary-Clinton-suicide-White-House-counsel-Vince-Foster-vanished-National-Archives.html">Vince Foster</a>’s office following his suicide; the mysteriously reappearing&nbsp;<a href="http://www.pbs.org/wgbh/pages/frontline/shows/arkansas/docs/recs.html">Rose Law Firm</a>&nbsp;billing records; the crass push for cash in 1996 which elicited shady Chinese and Indonesian donations; the lies about Bill Clinton’s sexual affairs; and the final outrages of too many unseemly presidential pardons and too much furniture shipped from the White House to their two new homes. Each scandal was not as terrible as opponents tried to make it but not as benign as the Clintons claimed.</p><p>Remember those moral missteps. Throw in the undeniable—and you can’t deny it, even if you want to—sexism. Now take the email fiasco. Add zealous enemies functioning in our time of an hysterical, polarizing blogosphere and deeply partisan divisions. Suddenly—voila!—this combustible environment perceives minor ethical twitches like major crimes.</p><p>If politicians could undergo soul scans, the evidence would probably show that Bill Clinton and Donald Trump lie more frequently and convincingly than Hillary Clinton. As a Methodist good girl who is neither a natural politician nor a bluffing businessman she doesn’t lie well. Despite Trump’s calling her “the most corrupt candidate ever,” her transgressions don’t rank with the bribery and sweetheart-deal-making that was common in 19th-century political parties—or on New York construction sites in the Seventies and Eighties. Democrats who deem her blameless and Republicans who brand her a master criminal both exaggerate. Such absolutes confuse voters, who must judge her lapses in context, proportionally, deciding how relevant such past behaviors are in determining what kind of president she—or her opponent—will be.</p>
ID: 153841
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: 2016 In Context: The Peeping Tom – and Tammy – Election
Source:
Body: <p><b>Gil Troy</b>&nbsp;is the author of&nbsp;<i>The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</i>, just published by Thomas Dunne Books of St. Martin's Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg's&nbsp;<i>The Zionist Idea</i>. He is Professor of History at McGill University. Follow on Twitter @GilTroy</p><div style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153841-vote pin.png"></div><div> <p></p><p> <b>Click&nbsp;<a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/author/4">HERE</a>&nbsp;for more installments of 2016 In Context: &nbsp;Gil Troy's commentary on the closing days of the election.</b></p></div><p></p><p> </p><p class="MsoNormal"><i><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background: white;">Three weeks from today, Americans finally will have a chance to vote for president of the United States -- hundreds of other offices on ballots across the country. As a presidential historian who has written histories of presidential campaigning, of various presidents, of First Ladies, including Hillary Clinton when she was in that symbolic role, and, most recently, of the Clintons and the 1990s in&nbsp;</span></i><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;"><a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=2694c2f97b&amp;e=ef66bbdca2"><i><span style="mso-fareast-font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#414042;background:white">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</span></i></a></span><i><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; background: white;">, every day until Election Day&nbsp;I will post an article putting this election in historical context, trying to explain this wild and wacky race using history as our guide. So here it goes, with hashtag&nbsp;#2016incontext&nbsp;</span></i></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="color: rgb(41, 35, 34); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">Shocked by how all these “recent inventions and business methods” have “invaded the sacred precincts of private and domestic life,” appalled that with “the press … overstepping in every direction the obvious bounds of propriety and of decency” gossip “has become a trade,” two legal crusaders warned that “what is whispered in the closet shall be proclaimed from the house-tops.” Although the two law partners, Louis Brandeis and Samuel Warren, were</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="color: rgb(41, 35, 34); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">&nbsp;</span><a href="http://groups.csail.mit.edu/mac/classes/6.805/articles/privacy/Privacy_brand_warr2.html" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=http://groups.csail.mit.edu/mac/classes/6.805/articles/privacy/Privacy_brand_warr2.html&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1478344693570000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGrguq3hOei3upQ9Hm_lam9YgCOLQ" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';"><span style="color:#1155CC">writing</span></a><span class="apple-converted-space" style="color: rgb(41, 35, 34); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">&nbsp;</span><span style="color: rgb(41, 35, 34); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">in 1890, they anticipated our brutal, bizarre 2016 Peeping Tom – and Tammy&nbsp;</span><span style="color: rgb(41, 35, 34); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">–</span><span style="color: rgb(41, 35, 34); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">&nbsp;campaign. This presidential election may be determined by two dramatic invasions of privacy – our mass eavesdropping on Donald Trump’s crass conversation with Billy Bush in 2005 and our collective snooping into the leaked emails of Hillary Clinton, Debra Wasserman Schultz, John Podesta, and others.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">The fact that revelations of private exchanges threaten to be more influential this election cycle than public pronouncements about policy or ideology, suggests how debased our public discourse has become.</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; color: rgb(41, 35, 34);"> We have plummeted a long way from an election like 1896 that pivoted around William Jennings<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><a href="http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5354/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=http://historymatters.gmu.edu/d/5354/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1478344693570000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHJbqOMffpjcnIrAjZuH1dZFWNvbw"><span style="color:#1155CC">Bryan’s</span></a><span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span>eloquent </span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">rejection of a gold standard by saying: “you shall not press down upon the brow of labor this crown of thorns. You shall not crucify mankind upon a cross of gold.” “Make America Great Again” and “Stronger Together” are far cries from</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">&nbsp;</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; color: rgb(41, 35, 34);">Franklin Roosevelt’s 1932 Acceptance address concluding: “</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">I pledge you, I pledge myself, to a new deal for the American people.”</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; color: rgb(34, 34, 34);">But even more disturbing is the way we all collude in repeated invasions of privacy, trampling on what Warren and Brandeis celebrated as the precious “right to be left alone.” In their now-classic<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><i>Harvard Law Review&nbsp;</i>article, the two traced the law’s development. Originally, legal protections punished “physical interference.” With growing “recognition” of our “spiritual nature,” our “feelings” and “intellect,” “the scope of these legal rights broadened.” Now,<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">the term "property" has grown to comprise every form of possession&nbsp;</span><span style="color: rgb(41, 35, 34); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">–</span><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">&nbsp;intangible, as well as tangible.”</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; color: rgb(26, 26, 26);">In his famous Olmstead<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><a href="https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/277/438#writing-USSC_CR_0277_0438_ZD" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=https://www.law.cornell.edu/supremecourt/text/277/438%23writing-USSC_CR_0277_0438_ZD&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1478344693570000&amp;usg=AFQjCNF7pseOjy62zoMiPMKDclUuz3PQHQ"><span style="color:#1155CC">dissent</span></a><span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span>in 1928, Louis Brandeis, now a Supreme Court Justice, considered “the right to privacy” essential “</span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman'; color: rgb(38, 38, 38);">to the pursuit of happiness.” At the time, Brandeis worried about government intrusions on these rights. Our world teaches us that media – and mass – intrusions are no better.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="color: rgb(38, 38, 38); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">We need to treat illegal hacks as piracy -- meaning the theft of intellectual property – and the information garnered from “Wikileaks” and other such pirates as stolen property. In that vein, anyone who passes on illegally obtained information is no better than the spouse of a jewel thief who knowingly wears a stolen diamond necklace.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">This campaign is not the first contest to peep behind a politician’s public veneer and expose the hypocrisy that is as natural to politics as bats are to baseball. The Framers of the Constitution began with a reversed equation. They assumed that when people like George Washington paraded around as paragons of virtue in public, it reflected their private virtue. More broadly, Americans in the early nation linked individual and communal virtue. A president’s example gives “a tone to [the] moral pulse of the nation,” the</span><span class="apple-converted-space" style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">&nbsp;</span><i style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">Albany Argus</i><span class="apple-converted-space" style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">&nbsp;</span><span style="color: rgb(26, 26, 26); font-family: 'Times New Roman';">explained in 1844.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#1A1A1A">But by mid-century, one’s public role was no longer the crucial determinant of one’s “character.” Educators like Horace Mann and Ralph Waldo Emerson preached that individual moral behavior bettered one’s “self” and improved society. “Character” now implied ethical conduct. A man “pure and upright in his private character,” the<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><i>Argu</i>s continued, “is the only safe depository of public trust. . . . The vices and immoralities of private life will be carried into the public administration.” Just as a merchant would not select a clerk whose habits were immoral, or parents hire a teacher prone to vice, so should Americans protect themselves from the libertine and gambler, Henry Clay, the Democratic newspaper concluded.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#1A1A1A">Inevitably, then, there has always been a “Gotcha” element to American campaigning, seeking to unmask the true stinker behind all the perfumed peacocking. The 1884 campaign probably had the most influential leak in nineteenth-century American history, when on<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><span class="aqj">September 15<span class="apple-converted-space"></span>&nbsp;</span>that year – not quite an October surprise<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></span><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#222222">the&nbsp;<i>Boston Journal</i><span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span>published Republican nominee James G. Blaine’s 1876 correspondence with a businessman, Warren Fisher, Jr., supplied by James Mulligan, once Fisher’s clerk. Fisher had helped Blaine sell some near-worthless railroad bonds in a series of questionable but profitable transactions. In one of these “Mulligan Letters,” Blaine ghostwrote a letter for Fisher exonerating himself. In the accompanying cover letter, Blaine explained the ruse and instructed: “Burn this letter.” Instead, “Burn this letter” became the cry of Democrats all over the country, as they denounced, “James, James, James G. Blaine, the continental liar from the State of Maine.”</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#222222">Of course, Americans have long loved gossiping about their political leaders, wondering about their private lives. Ironically, despite all the sanctimony coming from the Clinton camp these days about Donald Trump’s boorish behavior, Bill and Hillary Clinton spent much of the 1990s arguing for what Hillary Clinton back then called a “zone of privacy” and against what Bill Clinton condemned as<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></span><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;; color:#1A1A1A">“the pursuit of personal destruction and the prying into private lives” at the cost of our “national life.”</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#1A1A1A">But our age of electronic voyeurism, where everyone is an aspiring Bob Woodward or Matt Drudge has created a nation of Peeping Toms and Tammys. As a result, in 2008, Barack Obama was embarrassed when a sympathetic<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><a href="http://www.huffingtonpost.com/mayhill-fowler/obama-no-surprise-that-ha_b_96188.html" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=http://www.huffingtonpost.com/mayhill-fowler/obama-no-surprise-that-ha_b_96188.html&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1478344693570000&amp;usg=AFQjCNGrHT8TILxWHibSmxZrd9qNpDa4-Q"><span style="color:#1155CC">Huffington Post blogger</span></a><span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span>who was following him around recorded his obnoxious riff at a San Francisco fundraiser that many of the people in small town America<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></span><span style="font-family: 'Times New Roman';">“get bitter, they cling to guns or religion or antipathy to people who aren’t like them or anti-immigrant sentiment or anti-trade sentiment as a way to explain their frustrations.”<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><span class="aqj">Four years later</span>,<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><i>Mother Jones<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></i>publicized a surreptitiously recorded<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><a href="http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2012/09/secret-video-romney-private-fundraiser?utm_source=twitterfeed&amp;utm_medium=twitter&amp;utm_campaign=Feed%3A+motherjones%2Fmain+%28MotherJones.com+Main+Article+Feed%29" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=http://www.motherjones.com/politics/2012/09/secret-video-romney-private-fundraiser?utm_source%3Dtwitterfeed%26utm_medium%3Dtwitter%26utm_campaign%3DFeed%253A%2Bmotherjones%252Fmain%2B%2528MotherJones.com%2BMain%2BArticle%2BFeed%2529&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1478344693570000&amp;usg=AFQjCNEdaPdCo3M1oe-64eVjylNlQ9tgTw"><span style="color:#1155CC">video</span></a><span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span>of what it called Mitt Romney “raw and unplugged” dismissing the<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span></span><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;; color:#222222">“47 percent who are with” Barack Obama “who are dependent upon government, who believe that they are victims, who believe the government has a responsibility to care for them, who believe that they are entitled to health care, to food, to housing, to you-name-it.” Romney was outed by the bartender who worked the event,<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><a href="http://www.cbsnews.com/news/man-who-secretly-videotaped-mitt-romneys-47-percent-remarks-comes-forward/" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=http://www.cbsnews.com/news/man-who-secretly-videotaped-mitt-romneys-47-percent-remarks-comes-forward/&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1478344693570000&amp;usg=AFQjCNFo9DwWNY4P5u1CQ4a9AlEJ3gg5jw"><span style="color:#1155CC">Scott Prouty</span></a>.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#222222">This year, amid the leaked emails and eleven-year-old Trump tape, Hillary Clinton was<span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span><a href="http://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/11/us/politics/hillary-clinton-basket-of-deplorables.html?_r=0" data-saferedirecturl="https://www.google.com/url?hl=en&amp;q=http://www.nytimes.com/2016/09/11/us/politics/hillary-clinton-basket-of-deplorables.html?_r%3D0&amp;source=gmail&amp;ust=1478344693570000&amp;usg=AFQjCNHPafm56sjO9pkN_tkNfZTYtz8BaQ"><span style="color:#1155CC">also caught</span></a><span class="apple-converted-space">&nbsp;</span>lumping half of Trump’s supporters in “</span><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;; color:#262626">the basket of deplorables” as “racist, sexist, homophobic, xenophobic, Islamaphobic — you name it.”</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#222222">We have long known that a political gaffe is a politician caught in the act of being frank – or honest. And not every act of revelation is similar. Still, citizens should want politicians to have candid exchanges with their advisers on email, without fearing exposure of every half-baked idea, stupid qucip, and annoying correspondent. And those Democrats who were able to forgive Bill Clinton’s sins as “private,” irrelevant to his job, should be equally forgiving of Donald Trump, just as those Republicans who refused to forgive Bill Clinton should be equally condemning of Donald Trump.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#222222">Moreover, we need a fuller policy debate between our two leading nominees that goes beyond bluster and character assassination. This election, like many, ultimately triggers two central worries that haunted the Framers of the Constitution. Our country’s founders feared the kind of demagoguery Donald Trump exhibits as well as the reliance on government that has been the hallmark of Hillary Clinton’s career. This election is a lost opportunity to have the kind of bracing debate that help democracies mature.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal" style="background: white;"><span style="font-family:&quot;Times New Roman&quot;;color:#222222">Ultimately, however, this election reflects the loss of privacy we all experience by living on Facebook and Instagram, by being photographed and recorded practically wherever we are, by friends and foes alike. This most cherished right of privacy that Brandeis saw as so central to a happy and healthy life not just a functional democracy is missing, not just in this campaign, but in our lives.</span></p> <p class="MsoNormal"><br></p> <!--EndFragment-->
ID: 153842
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: 2016 In Context: Why Not Judge Israel the Way We Judge the United States?
Source:
Body: <p><i>Gil Troy is the author of&nbsp;</i><i><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1429704244&amp;sr=8-1&amp;keywords=age+of+clinton">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</a></i>, just published by Thomas Dunne Books of St. Martin's Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg's&nbsp;The Zionist Idea.&nbsp;He is&nbsp;Professor of History at McGill University. Follow on Twitter&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/GilTroy">@GilTroy</a></p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153842-153842-election.png"></p><p><b>Click&nbsp;<a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/author/4">HERE</a>&nbsp;for more installments of 2016 In Context: &nbsp;Gil Troy's commentary on the closing days of the election.</b></p><p><i>Three weeks from today, Americans finally will have a chance to vote for president of the United States -- hundreds of other offices on ballots across the country. As a presidential historian who has written histories of presidential campaigning, of various presidents, of First Ladies, including Hillary Clinton when she was in that symbolic role, and, most recently, of the Clintons and the 1990s in&nbsp;</i><a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=2694c2f97b&amp;e=ef66bbdca2"><i>The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</i></a><i>, every day until Election Day&nbsp;I will post an article putting this election in historical context, trying to explain this wild and wacky race using history as our guide. So here it goes, with hashtag&nbsp;#2016incontext&nbsp;</i></p><p>Dear Canadians,</p> <p>Clearly, the U.S. presidential campaign has revealed every American’s truly ugly face.</p> <p>• America is racist: look at those cop killings, listen to Black Lives Matter, and see the statistics showing how disproportionately African-Americans end up imprisoned, on welfare and failing school.</p> <p>• America is sexist: it has a major party nominee who boasts about pawing women, who speaks about women as if they are mere sex objects.</p> <p>• America is anti-immigrant: consider those yahoos shouting down Muslims and Mexicans, blaming outsiders because they can’t find jobs, talking about building a big wall in the South, and billing Mexico for it.</p> <p>• America is hostile to people with special needs: have you seen that leading politician mocking a reporter’s palsy?</p> <p>• America is corrupt: of its two major nominees, one dodged taxes for years and one broke the law about handling government secrets via email, but the FBI director found her crimes not-prosecutable – not the standards of behaviour you want in a leader.</p> <p>• America is undemocratic: try explaining the electoral college to a fellow Canadian, or having it explained to you if you don’t understand it. How many Americans even realize that every four years, they don’t cast ballots for one of the nominees for president, but for electors pledged to support that nominee?</p> <p>• America is falling apart: look at that years-long electoral circus, the endless campaigning, the billions in campaign contributions, the fury between competing groups, the vicious partisan competition, and the many problems highlighted economically, politically, culturally and diplomatically – with few realistic solutions in sight.</p> <p>Given what a disaster and disappointment it has become, shouldn’t we all agree:</p> <p>• To boycott all American goods, all American academics, anything to do with America, immediately – and to agitate on every Canadian university to boycott America, making sure that all Americans on our campuses feel uncomfortable and rejected because of their evil country;</p> <p>• To endorse as many UN resolutions as possible criticizing America, punishing Americans and isolating America. Let’s have a General Assembly resolution declaring “Americanism is Racism!” Let’s have a UNESCO resolution declaring the American Revolution never happened. Let’s have one Security Council resolution demanding Manhattan’s return to the natives, who clearly didn’t intend to sell it for $24 to settlers centuries ago, and piles of resolutions demanding that America stop building in its settlements, places named after natives – Detroit, Chicago, Massachusetts, Alabama – proving the indigenous suffering imposed by this racist, colonialist entity whose name we shouldn’t even mention;</p> <p>• That America shouldn’t exist and should never have been established, given that it was built on land stolen from the natives (who were even mocked in the World Series by that Cleveland Indians team)?</p> <p>Hmmm. Of course, the United States has its problems and its flaws. But every intelligent person reading these words also realizes that the “racist” country elected a black president, that “sexist” America is also Hillary Clinton’s America, that immigrants built this “anti-immigrant” country, that the Americans with Disabilities Act was passed in 1990, that America is far less corrupt than most countries, that no large democracy is as pure as a town meeting with its straight-up votes, and that America the dysfunctional may have been making headlines recently, but America the functional remains an extraordinarily safe, happy and productive place.</p> <p>Moreover, boycotting America would hurt Canada, such anti-American resolutions wouldn’t pass in the UN, and Canada might be next on the docket if we start opening up the question of natives.</p> <p>In short, we judge America wisely, maturely, in proportion and in context, understanding that countries are complex, that not everything is so black and white, that we shouldn’t be so harsh and judgmental, and that, we, too, have our flaws.</p> <p>So I’m confused. If we can judge America and ourselves so fairly, why not Israel?</p><p>Read original article on the <a href="http://www.cjnews.com/perspectives/opinions/not-judge-israel-way-judge-united-states">Canadian Jewish News</a></p>
ID: 153843
Uid: 14552
Author: 13
Category: 0
Title: Life during Wartime - The Colossus of Rogues
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Body: The Tattooed Man as inked by numerous online viewers of Life during Wartime.<br><p>[Aside from recording the many attributes of the current Republican candidate for the presidency, this cartoon is an homage to Bernhard Willam's June 4, 1884 cartoon, "<a href="http://elections.harpweek.com/1884/cartoon-1884-Medium.asp?UniqueID=2&amp;Year=">Phrynne before the Chicago Tribunal</a>," in the satirical magazine <em>Puck</em>.]</p><p><br></p>
ID: 153844
Uid: 4699
Author: 4
Category: 0
Title: 2016 In Context: An Election Night Rx for PTSD (Pre-Trump-Clinton-Election Stress Disorder)
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Body: <p> Gil Troy is the author of&nbsp;<i><a href="http://www.amazon.com/Age-Clinton-America-1990s/dp/1250063728/ref=sr_1_1?ie=UTF8&amp;qid=1429704244&amp;sr=8-1&amp;keywords=age+of+clinton">The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</a></i>, just published by Thomas Dunne Books of St. Martin's Press. His next book will update Arthur Hertzberg's&nbsp;The Zionist Idea.&nbsp;He is&nbsp;Professor of History at McGill University. Follow on Twitter&nbsp;<a href="https://twitter.com/GilTroy">@GilTroy</a></p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src="/sites/default/files/153844-vote%20pin.png" alt="153844-vote%20pin.png"></p><p><b>Click&nbsp;<a href="http://historynewsnetwork.org/blog/author/4">HERE</a>&nbsp;for more installments of 2016 In Context: &nbsp;Gil Troy's commentary on the closing days of the election.</b></p><p><i>Americans finally have a chance to vote for president of the United States -- and hundreds of other offices on ballots across the country. As a presidential historian who has written histories of presidential campaigning, of various presidents, of First Ladies, including Hillary Clinton when she was in that symbolic role, and, most recently, of the Clintons and the 1990s in&nbsp;</i><a href="http://giltroy.us6.list-manage.com/track/click?u=12bc4da52372e985504783f87&amp;id=2694c2f97b&amp;e=ef66bbdca2"><i>The Age of Clinton: America in the 1990s</i></a><i>, here are my final thoughts.&nbsp;</i></p> <p>Like two animals that have each bloodied each other but keep biting and clawing, Hillary Clinton and Donald Trump are staggering toward Election Day. After visiting four American cities&nbsp;in one week, I am struck by how anxious people are about this election. The last time I remember such nervousness was in 2000, during the George W. Bush-Al Gore deadlock,&nbsp;<i>after</i>&nbsp;Election Day. We have to go back nearly half a century to 1968, to find a moment when Americans were so polarized, so worried, so alienated from one another.</p> <p>Even though we have not yet reached the big moment, it’s time to start thinking about the day after – and how to heal the country.</p> <p>&nbsp;Let’s remember that the presidential election campaign is an artificial exercise launched to select the most popular candidate to govern America. The primaries and caucuses, the conventions and debates, the commercials and speeches, all ritualize political combat, combining serious political business with the traditional, sometimes ridiculous, frequently colorful, sacraments of America’s civil religion. Similarly, Election Day combines the substantive mission of choosing leaders with traditions easing the shift from fighting to healing, from politics to governance. In the nineteenth century, many artistic depictions of Election Day – and the carnivals and festivals held as farmers and workers gathered to vote -- celebrated the political miracle, that we the people choose our own leaders based on their virtues not their monarchical bloodline.</p> <p>To protect that sanctity of the election -- the very word originated in the notion of God choosing individuals for salvation --&nbsp;<a href="https://www.google.com/search?client=safari&amp;rls=en&amp;q=laws+electioneering+near+polling+places&amp;ie=UTF-8&amp;oe=UTF-8">state laws</a>&nbsp;ban campaigning too close to polling places. Just as politicians switch from apocalyptic warnings if their rivals win, to redemptive toasts hailing the people’s genius and the system’s stability, these laws help Americans transition from the passion of the campaign trail to the contemplation of the ballot box. There is a sanctity to the voting booth that welcomes quiet after the shrill, profane campaign, paving the way toward unifying and leading the day after.</p> <p>Even in the nineteenth century when corruption often tainted the ballot box, Americans treated the voting moment with revelry and reverence. With the candidate quieted, the citizen is empowered. The nation is supposed to start moving from what Senator Henry Cabot Lodge&nbsp;<a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=2mOTAAAAIAAJ&amp;pg=PA114&amp;lpg=PA114&amp;dq=henry+cabot+lodge+%22idiotic+way%22++%22silly+habit%22&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=Owox4rgyCi&amp;sig=aANCCHD4ddHjaD_tgogIGuofQBA&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiPl5SE3ovQAhUM94MKHXjODtkQ6AEIGzAA#v=onepage">called</a>&nbsp;our “idiotic way of carrying on a political campaign,” filled with one “silly habit” after another, to what one Republican in 1924 called “the wise exercise of the power and duties of President of the United States,” which “calls for almost superhuman moral, mental, and physical endowments.” In Connecticut, citizens of Hartford rejoiced in the people power elections activated with parades and balls often serving Election Cake&nbsp;– a flavorful cinnamon, coriander, molasses and raisin yeast bread.</p><p>Election Day ends with the vote count – and except in rare cases of deadlock or atypical boorishness – elegant exchanges between the winners and losers. The concession speech, like all regularized rites, hovers in that characteristically human space between the artificial and the real, the sterile and the meaningful, the dishonest and the honest. From celebrating Christmas to singing the national anthem, humans regularly choreograph moments to produce particular emotional outcomes and ideological attachments.</p> <p>The democratic concession formula calls for magnanimous winners and gracious losers, with all promising to cooperate. Such expressions, even if insincere, legitimize the results and America’s democracy.</p> <p>To many losers, these anguished moments feel like public deaths. After losing a Congressional election in 1824,&nbsp;<a href="https://books.google.com/books?id=XZwfBgAAQBAJ&amp;pg=PA901&amp;lpg=PA901&amp;dq=henry+clay+hearing+every+kind+of+eulogium+and+panegyric&amp;source=bl&amp;ots=q0Y891RZBt&amp;sig=3HSxL3Ac5BuupuWB8zNJCJLApTs&amp;hl=en&amp;sa=X&amp;ved=0ahUKEwiplvve4IvQAhVCKiYKHechAcIQ6AEIHTAA#v=onepag">Henry Clay compared</a>&nbsp;“hearing every kind of eulogium and panegyric, pronounced upon me” now that he had lost, to experiencing your funeral “whilst alive.”&nbsp;Upon losing the presidency to Ronald Reagan in 1980,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.presidency.ucsb.edu/ws/index.php?pid=45462&amp;st=lie+to+you&amp;st1=">Jimmy Carter admitted</a>, “I promised you four years ago that I would never lie to you. So, I can't stand here&nbsp;tonight&nbsp;and say it doesn't hurt.” Still, Carter “accepted the decision.”</p> <p>Sometimes, candidates deflect through humor. In 1952, Adlai Stevenson, the Illinois Democrat, invoked&nbsp;<a href="http://content.time.com/time/specials/packages/article/0,28804,1856570_1856573_1856527,00.html">Abraham Lincoln</a>, the Illinois Republican, who said that after an election loss,&nbsp;“he felt like a little boy who had stubbed his toe in the dark… too old to cry, but it hurt too much to laugh.”&nbsp;&nbsp;</p> <p>Even during deadlocks – and immediately thereafter -- candidates, understanding the volatility of the situation, have acted cautiously, patriotically. In 1876, Democrats were frustrated with the silence of Samuel Tilden, who ultimately lost to Rutherford B. Hayes. But America had erupted into a deadly, five-year Civil War just sixteen years earlier, and Tilden’s concern for the nation constrained him. Similarly, in 2000, Al Gore, convinced that the Supreme Court decision giving the election to George W. Bush was flawed,&nbsp;<a href="http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/algore2000concessionspeech.html">nevertheless said</a>: “This is America. Just as we fight hard when the stakes are high, we close ranks and come together when the contest is done.”</p> <p>Donald Trump’s reprehensible “rigged election” comment launched a pre-emptive assault on American democracy. The way he and Hillary Clinton act over the next 48 hours will help determine whether those ill-chosen, unpatriotic words were a fall squall or a Category 5 hurricane. Both have to show a grandeur, a vision, an underlying patriotism trumping partisanship that has been absent for most of this long, depressing campaign.</p> <p>As Americans stagger toward Election Day, democracy often feels threatened by the passions campaigns trigger. But as the psychiatrist&nbsp;<a href="https://www.amazon.com/Body-Keeps-Score-Healing-Trauma/dp/0143127748">Bessel van der Kolk</a>&nbsp;teaches,&nbsp;“our capacity to destroy one another is matched by our capacity to heal one another. Restoring relationships and community is central to restoring well-being.” This insight applies nationally too.&nbsp;Just as theologians explain that grace involves being able to bestow compassion even on sinners, post-Election healing doesn’t ignore political differences, it just shifts the conversational focus. Our two party system and quadrennial presidential system produce an in party and an out party every four years. Just as we wound with words, we can soothe with them.</p> <p>Candidates who are patriotic Americans, supporting the democratic republic for which we stand, understand that as the primary disrupters of American harmony they have a particular responsibility to lead the healing. Let’s not just hope. Let’s demand that on Election Night – and subsequently – the two major party nominees – along with the thousands of candidates running&nbsp;November 8—play their historic parts, acting with grace and patriotism, redirecting the campaign’s fury into passion for governing. Such grace does not also prevent rival parties or defeated politicians, like standing armies on alert with their generals, from girding for&nbsp;tomorrow’s&nbsp;battles today – it just encourages them to first act nobly, patriotically, then start squabbling again.</p>
ID: 153845
Uid: 292
Author: 11
Category: 0
Title: Should Students Call Professors by Their First Name?
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Body: <p></p><p> <i>Sociologist James W. Loewen is the author of <a href="http://www.amazon.com/Lies-My-Teacher-Told-Everything/dp/0743296281"> Lies My Teacher Told Me</a>.</i><br></p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; A young professor of English (they're all young to me!) at Boston University, Carrie J. Preston, has just published an interesting <a href="http://www.chronicle.com/article/Do-You-Make-Them-Call-You/238282">article</a> at the <i>Chronicle of Higher Education</i>. She tells of her journey from "Carrie" to "Professor Preston," a trip complicated by feminism and Japanese Noh theater. My own journey on this matter was complicated by my teaching at the Blackest and Whitest schools in America. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In the Midwest, where I went to college (Carleton), all teachers were "Mr."<a href="#_ftn1">[1]</a> This, we were told, was a Midwestern tradition, deliberately nonhierarchical.</p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Not so at Harvard, where I got my doctorate. I recall one of the few meetings that I attended in graduate school. It was on what if anything the Department of Social Relations, including sociology, should do or say about the ongoing Vietnam War. Sociologist Alex Inkeles chaired, and his selection of nouns of address was exquisitely nuanced. He called full and associate professors "Professor," and assistant professors and instructors "Dr.," unless they hadn't finished their doctorate, in which case "Mr."<a href="#_ftn2">[2]</a> Graduate students he called by first name. So did undergraduates, including my students in the "pro-seminar" in sociology, a crucial course for majors that Harvard fobbed off on third- and fourth-year graduate students.&nbsp; </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In 1968 I left Harvard for Tougaloo College, a small predominately Black liberal arts college in Mississippi. There I observed the classroom interactions of Dr. Ernst Borinski, storied professor of sociology.<a href="#_ftn3">[3]</a> He called all students by their last names — "Mr. Jackson," "Miss Evans."<a href="#_ftn4">[4]</a> His reasoning was simple. At its heart, racial segregation is a system of etiquette, every element of which expresses White supremacy and Black inferiority. In Mississippi in 1968, Black adults called White adults "Mr." followed by their last names, only to get called by their first names in return. In intensely hierarchical situations, such as on plantations, African Americans might even say "Miss Ann" or "Mr. Charley," expressing even more deference, and would of course get called by their first names with no honorifics, back. The practice even extended to the U.S. mail: banks and utilities would send out statements addressed to "Mr. Curtis W. Shepard" if White, "Curtis Shepard" if Black. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; A few Black parents countered by giving their children no first names, only initials.<a href="#_ftn5">[5]</a> A few others named their children "Elder" or "Missy," forcing Whites to use courtesy terms while first-naming them. Most just gave their children the names they chose, like any other parents would do, but they hated the first-naming etiquette. Some women supplied only their husbands' names — "Mrs. Robert Walker." "I dare them to call me "Bob!" one said to me with a smile. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Whites came to avoid "Mr." and "Mrs." during the Nadir of Race Relations, that terrible era, 1890 to 1940, when White America went more racist in its thinking than at any other time. During the Nadir, instead of "Mr." or "Sir," which might imply that the older and more senior African American was fully human, Whites used "Uncle," or "Aunt" or "Auntie" if the person was a woman. We still have these terms today, of course, in the form of atavistic survivals like Uncle Ben's Rice and Aunt Jemima Pancake Syrup.</p><p style="text-align: center;"><img src=" /sites/default/files/153845-1.png "></p><p><span style="font-size: smaller;">This ad for Cream of Wheat epitomizes the racism of the Nadir of Race Relations. A little White boy whips an old Black man, shouting "Giddap, Uncle." The man is the boy's babysitter, of course, not his uncle. Whites said "Uncle" as a term of quasi-respect used across the color line because "Mr." would connote actual respect. The Cream of Wheat Company, in 1916, right in the middle of the Nadir, believed that this heartwarming scene would make most Americans warm and friendly inside and likely to buy their product. Probably they knew their market.</span></p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In 1968, segregation was still in full force in Mississippi, although it was cracking. Its etiquette code covered all Black/White interaction. On two-lane highways, it was risky, hence rare, for Black motorists to pass White-driven cars. Black adults were not to look White adults in the eye while talking with them; nor were they to sit with Whites at the same table, even if friends. They were to step aside on sidewalks to let Whites pass. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Chinese Americans had moved into the Mississippi Delta — the flat northwestern sixth of the state, from Memphis to Vicksburg, comprising the richest plantation land in the United States. They opened grocery stores, mostly serving the Black population, which was much larger (and poorer) than the White. In this niche they found economic success well beyond that realized even by White grocers. Nouns of address provided part of the reason why. As one Black customer told me, "They [Chinese grocers] don't worry the hell out of you about saying 'Mr.' or anything." Elsewhere, to speak without deference could be fatal, especially when speaking to White grocers already unhappy at the scorn they received from other Whites precisely because their store clientele was largely Black. Emmett Till was lynched because he claimed social equality in his brief interaction with a White Delta grocer, may even have whistled at her. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In central Mississippi, Tougaloo offered almost the only respite from such threats. Before his legendary Social Science Forums, which offered Mississippians of both races almost their only opportunity to hear important speakers together, Borinski hosted dinners. He invited Whites and Blacks from the community, along with Tougaloo students. They then found themselves sitting together conversing across racial lines, many for the first time in their lives. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; In Southern society, to do the usual — address students by first name while they addressed me by my last name — thus constituted inadvertent compliance with the norms of segregation. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; I went the opposite direction, asking that students call me "Jim," as did "Prof. Preston" (her choice, today). I recall one time in 1969 at which mirth ensued. Near the beginning of a class early in the fall semester, I made my usual request to be called "Jim" thenceforward. Later in the hour, a student with a full Afro, just getting into the Black Power movement, raised her hand excitedly with a question. "Mr." she started, and then stopped abruptly as she remembered what I had said. "Jim," she continued, and then stopped again, blushing in confusion.<a href="#_ftn6">[6]</a> Unthinkingly, she had mimicked the plantation folkway, the opposite of her intent. "It's OK, you can just call me "boss man," I replied. The class laughed, and she asked her question. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; "Jim" worked, but then, I was in my twenties. Preston notes that it worked for her in her twenties, too, although she did face the additional complication of being female, which she shows presented difficulties. At 33 I moved to the University of Vermont. There the problem wasn't racial etiquette but sheer numbers. I had no problem continuing the use of first names for students in my upper-level seminars, but the educational philosophy of the school was quite different from Tougaloo's. At "UVM," as Vermont is known, a professor had to have permission from the dean to teach a lower-level course smaller than 40. At Tougaloo, a professor had to have permission from the dean to teach any course larger than 36. Tougaloo was structured for education; UVM for profit. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; The difference affected nouns of address. When I had 36 students, I knew the names of at least 30 by October. When I had 60, by the end of the semester I knew the names of maybe 10. It felt awkward to me to have students calling me "Jim" when I could not call them by any name. So I started suggesting that they use "Mr. Loewen" — that Midwestern equalitarian thing again — until they knew me well enough to use "Jim." That seemed to work, and if they said "Doctor," that was OK too. </p><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp; Now, at The Catholic University of America, where I sometimes guest lecture, students prefer "professor." Whatever! Mainly, we want to make it easier for students to address us, do we not, regardless of which noun of address they choose. </p><br><p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[1]Carleton did have female professors, but only about ten, not counting Women's P.E. and Music, and I never had one in my four years there. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[2]The Harvard Social Relations Department had one female professor, Cora DuBois, in anthropology. She was a full professor. Hence, no "Mrs.'s."</p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[3]Borinski is a major subject of the book, video, and museum exhibit From Swastika to Jim Crow. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[4]"Ms." had not been invented; this was 1968. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[5]Mostly boys were named with initials, but <a href="http://www.jacksonfreepress.com/news/2013/aug/26/lc-dorsey">L. C. Dorsey</a>, pronounced "Elsie," provides a female example. Whites called her "Elsie," but in a sense they were not calling her by her first name. </p> <p>&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;&nbsp;[6]Yes, African Americans can blush. Besides, she was light-skinned, so her blushing was easy to spot. </p> <p> Copyright James W. Loewen </p>